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GOeEENMENT OP INDIA
AROH,«OLOGICAL SURVEY OP INDIA

CENTRAL

ARCHEOLOGICAL

LIBRARY

ACCESSION NO,

CALL >:o. Ht-

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. V

INSCRIPTIONS

THE YAKNTAKAS

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. V

INSCRIPTIONS

THE VAKATAKAS

EDITED BY

Vasudev Vishnu Mirashi, M.A., D.Litt,

Hony. Professor of Ancient Indian History & Culture
University of Nagpur

}

GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA
OOTACAMUND

1963

Price: Rs. W*00

CEKI'HA l

Aoc. No .

Date

CJbll So

A P' H iOOlGAll

NPW I RLHir

V; 4

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■t

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

PLATES PRINTED BY THE DIRECTOR, SURVEY OF INDIA, EASTERN CIRCLE, CALCUTTA
LETTERPRESS PRINTED AT THE JOB PRESS PRIVATE LTD., KANPUR

PREFACE

S OON after the publication of the Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era (Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Indicarum, Vol. IV') in 1955, I thought of preparing a corpus the inscriptions of
the Vakatakas; for the Vakataka dy nasty ^vas the most glorious one in the ancient history
of Vidarbha, where I have spent the best part of my life, and I had already edited or re-edited
more than half the number of its records. I soon completed the work and was thinking
of getting it published, when Shri A. Ghosh, Director General of ArchaeologV', who then
happened to be in Nagpur, came to know of it. He offered to publish it as A'olume V of
the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Series. I was veiy glad to avail myself of the offer
and submitted the work to the Archaeological Department in 1957. It was soon approved.
The order for printing it was given to the Job Press (Private) Ltd., Kanpur, on the 7th
July, 1958. Owing to ^'arious difficulties, the work of printing went on very slowly. I am
glad to find that it is now nearing completion.

During the course of this work I have received help from sev'eral persons, for which
I have to record here my grateful thanks. For the chapter on Architecture, Sculpture and
Painting I found G. Yazdani’s Ajanta very useful. I am grateful to the Department of
Archaeology, Government of Andhra Pradesh, for permission to reproduce some plates from
that work. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Joint Director General of Archaeology, went through
my typescript and made some important suggestions. The Government Epigraphist for
India rendered the necessary help in the preparation of the Skeleton Plates. Shri V. P.
Rode, Curator of the Central Museum, Nagpur, supplied the photographs of some panels
recently discovered at Pavnar. Prof. N. R. Navlekar of Jabalpur kindly read a proof of the
Introduction and made some important suggestions. To all these friends I feel deeply
indebted. Finally, I thank Shri A. Ghosh, Director General of Archaeology, for having
included this work in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Series and the Director, Eastern
Circle, Survey of India, for the excellent plates which illustrate the records in this Volume.

Nagpur :

20th April, 1963.

V. V. MIR ASHE

List of Plates
Abbreviations
Corrigenda . .

CONTENTS

Page

.. (ix)

. . (xi)

INTRODUCTION

Chapter I

The Discovery of the Vakatakas

Chapter II

Vakataka Chronology

Appendix — ^A Note on Dr. R. C. Majumdar’s Genealogy and Chronology of

the Vakatakas

vii

Chapter III

The Home of the Vakatakas

Chapte

r IV

Early Rulers

xvii

Chapter V

The Main Branch

xxi

Chapter VI

The Vatsagulma Branch

xxix

Chapte

r VII

Administration

xxxiv

Chapter VIII Religion

Chapter IX

Society . .

xliv

Chapte

r X

Literature

liii

Chapter XI

Architecture, Sculpture and Painting

TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS

Inscriptions of the main branch

No.

Plate

Deotek Stone Inscription of Rudrasena I

Poona Plates of Prabhavatigupta

III

Jamb Plates of Pravarasena 1 1

4&5 :

[V&V

Bel5ra Plates (Sets A and B) of Pravarasena H

Chammak Plates of Pravarasena II

VII

Siw ani Plates of Pravarasena 1 1

VIII

Riddhapur Plates of Prabhavatigupta

Indore Plates of Pravarasena 1 1

Dudia Plates of Prav'arasena H

Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II

XII

Wadgaon Plates of Prav'arasena 1 1

XIII

Pattan Plates of Pravarasena H

XIV

Pandhurna Plates of Pravarasena H

PaHia IMuseum Plate of Pravarasena H . .

XVI

Ramtek Plate of Pravarasena 1 1

XVII

An unfinished Durg Plate

XVII]

[ Balaghat Plates of Prithivishena II

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE FEUDATORIES OF THE MAIN BRANCH

XIX

Bamhani Plates of Bharatabala

20-21

XX-XXI Nachne-ki-Talai Stone Inscription of Vyaghradeva . .

XXII

Ganj Stone Inscription of Vyaghradeva . .

(viii)

CONTENTS

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE VATSAGULMA BRANCH

Page

XXIII

Basim Plates of Vindhyasakti II

XXIV

India Office Plate of Devasena

101

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES OF THE

VATSAGULMA BRANCH

XXV

Ajanta Cave Inscription of Varahadeva . .

103

XXVI

Ghatotkacha Cave Inscription of Varahadev a

112

XXVII

Inscription in Ajanta Cave XVII

120

Index

,, .. .» ..

131

LIST OF PLATES

Facing Page

Map showing places mentioned in Vakataka Inscriptions
Plate

A The Image of Trivikrama from Ramtek
B The Panel “ Meeting of Bharata ” from Pavnar
C The Panel “ Killing of Vali ” from Pavnar
D (i) The Image of Gahga from Pavnar

(ii) Inscription on the Image of Gahga
E The Temple at Tigowa

F The Image of Gahga on the Door-way of the
temple at Tigowa

G The Image of Yamuna on the Door-way of the
Temple at Tigowa

H The Temple at Nachna

I The Plan of Cave XVI at Ajanta

J Dying Sundari

K The Plan of Cave XVII at Ajanta

L Greedy Jujaka receiving Ransom Money
M The Buddha, Yasodhara and Rahula

N The Front View of Cave XIX at Ajanta
O The Plan of the Ghatdtkacha Cave

x\-iii

/ Between pages lx & Ixi
^ Between pages Ixii & Ixiii

Between pages Ixiv & lx\'

<j^Between pages Ixiv & Ixv

lx\d

Ixviii

■i Between pages Ixx & Ixxi

Ixxii

Between pages Ixxiv & Ixxv

Deotek Stone Inscription of Rudrasena I

Poona Plates of Prabhavatigupta

III

Jamb Plates of Pravarasena II . .

. . Between pages 12 & 13

Belora Plates (Set A) of Pravarasena II

Facing page 18

Belora Plates (Set B) of Pravarasena II

Facing page 20

Chammak Plates of Pravarasena II

. . Between pages 24 & 25

VII

Siwani Plates of Pravarasena II

. . Between pages 30 & 3 1

VII (contd.) Seals of Pravarasena II —

(i) Seal of Chammak Plates; (ii) Seal of Siwani Plates;

(hi) Seal of

Tirodi Plates

Facing page 32

VIII

Riddliapur Plates of Prabhavatigupta

Facing page 36

Indore Plates of Pravarasena II . .

Facing page 40

Dudia Plates of Pravarasena II . .

. . Between pages 46 & 47

Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II . .

Facing page 50

XII

Wadgaon Plates of Pravarasena II

. . Between pages 54 & 55

XIII

Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II . .

. . Between pages 60 & 61

XIII (contd.) Pattan Plates of Pravarasena II

Facing page 62

XIV

Pandhurna Plates of Pravarasena II

. . Between pages 66 & 67

XIV (contd.) Pandhurna Plates of Pravarasena II

Facing page 68

Patna Museum Plate of Pravarasena II

Facing page 70

(x)

LIST OF PLATES

Plate

Facing Page

XVI

XVII

XVIII

XIX

XXI

XXII

XXIII

XXIV

XXV

XXVI

XXVII

Ramtek Plate of Pravarasena II . .

An Unfinished Durg Plate
Balaghat Plates of Prithivishena II
Bahmani Plates of Bharatabala

Nachne-ki-Talai Stone Inscription (No. I) of Vyaghradeva
Nachne-ki-Talai Stone Inscription (No. II) of Vyaghradeva
Ganj Stone Inscription of Vyaghradeva
Basim Plates of Vindhyasakti II
India Office Plate of Devasena
Ajanta Cave Inscription of Varahadeva
Ghatotkacha Cave Inscription of Varahadeva
Inscription in Ajanta Cave XVII

Facing page 74
Facing page 78
Between pages 80 & 8 1
Between pages 86 & 87
Facing page 90
Facing page 90
Facing page 92
Between pages 96 & 97
Facing page 102
Facing page 108
Facing page 116
Facing page 124

ABBREVIATIONS

A.B.O.R.I.

Ajanta

A.S.WJ.

Bom. Gaz-
C.A.S.I.R.

C.I.I.

C. T.I.

D. K.A.

E. H.D.

Ep. Ind.

G.C.I.

G. O.S.

H. C.I.P.

I. C.P.B.

Ind. Ant.

Ind. Cul.

Ind. Hist. Quart.

J. A.S.B.
J.B.B.R.A.S.
J.B.O.R.S.
J.N.S.I.
J.R.A.S.
J.R.A.S.B.

M. A.S.I.

MBH.

MSM.

KH.I.P.

N. I.A.

N.U.J.

P.I.H.C.

P.R.A.S.I.W.C.

P.T.A.I.O.C.

S.I.

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

G. Yazdani, Ajanta.

Archaeological Survey of Western India.

Bombay Gazetteer.

Cunningham, Archaeological Survey of India Reports.

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.

Burgess, Cave Temples of India.

Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age.

R. G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan.

Epigraphia Indica

Ghatotkacha Cave Inscription ipub. by Government of Hyderabad).
Gaekwad’s Oriental Series.

R. C. Majumdar and A. D. Pusalkar, History and Culture of the Indian
People.

Hiralal, Inscriptions in C.P. and Berar (Second ed.).

Indian Antiquary.

Indian Culture.

Indian Historical Quarterly.

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society.

Journal of the Numismatic Society of India.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India.

Mahabharata.

Manusmriti.

R. C. Majumdar and A. S. Altekar, New History of the Indian People.
New Indian Antiquary.

Nagpur Univer.sity Journal.

Proceedings of the Indian History Congress.

Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, \Vestern Circle.
Proceedings and Transactions of the All-India Oriental Conference.

V. V. Mirashi, Studies in IndologvN

CORRIGENDA

;e viii, para. 2, line 6 — For tddrisd. putrd. read tddrisdh putrdh.
ix, line 14 — For Mahdrdja-Ddmodarasena read Mahdrdja-sn-Ddmodarasena.
ix, foot-note 1 — For Prithivshena read Prithivishena.

xi, para. 2, line 5 — For read

xii, line 2— For Satpuda read Satpuda.

xviii, foot-note 2 — For amendation read emendation,
xxiii, para. 2, line 6 — For Ramgiri read Ramagiri.

xxix, para. 5, line 5 — For the sons Pravarasena I read the sons of Pravarasena I.

xxxix, para. 3, line 4 — For explicity read explicitly.

xlix, line 6 — For Jujaka read Jujaka.

li, para. 1, line 5 — For -tilaka read -tilaka.

liii, line 12 — For prasasit read prasasti.

Iviii, line 12 — For grw read

Ixxiv, para. 3, last line — Insert an inverted comma at the end.

Ixxv, para. 2, line 2 — Substitute a comma for the full point after bases.

For octagon read octagonal.

19, text-line 8 — For read

19, text-line 17 — For ^ read ffi-.

21, foot-note 1, line 2 — For p. 63 read p. 64.

24, text-line 21 — For g^(=5rr)f!: — read

29, foot-note 5, line 2 — For Mdrkandeayapurdna read Mdrkandeyapurdrui.

32, line 2 — Insert Phalguna in after of.

35, para. 1, line 3 — For Mujumdar read Majumdar.

39, foot-note 4 — For -atistrishtah read -atisrishtah.

40, text-line 5 — For read

40, text-line 10 — For ^ read
40, text-line 11 — For read

40, text-line 14 — For 'T(qT)^ read

41, text-line 22 — For read

41, foot-note 1 — For read g^.

44, text-line 3 — For arggrr- read srptr:-.

44, text-line 6 — For ggggrg- read g^gig-.

49, foot-note 7, line 2 — For Venatata read Venatata.

50, text-line 10 — For gg^ read ggijg^.

50, text-line 16 — For gr^ read gr^x.

50, text-lines 19 and 20 — Insert a hyphen after the last letter.

51, text-line 21 — For gfggf: read gprgf:.

53, para. 3, line 5 — For klipt-lopakliptah read klipt-opakliptah.

57, para. 4, line 6 — For sunoh read sunoh.

58, foot-note 2, line 1 — For Rajamdnika read Rdjamdnika.

58, foot-note 2, line 2 — For vishaya-mana read vishaya-mdna.

58, foot-note 3, line 2 — For or Mahdpurusha read or Mahdpurusha.

60, text-line 18 — For ^i+id+Ki read giggsgggf.

(xiv) CORRIGENDA

Page 62, line 9 — For karttika read Karttika.

„ 67, text-line 54 — For irr 'T- read

„ 71, text-line For read traiwRT-.

,, 83, line 18 — For -vishesha read -visesha.

,, 85, text-line 24 — Insert a danda at the end.

,, 86, text-line 43 — For read

,, 86, foot-note 7 — For read

,, 87, line 6 from the bottom — For peoples read people.

,, 88, line 32 — For son the goldsmith read son of the goldsmith.

,, 96, text-line 2 — For ^ read

,, 97, foot-note 1 — For Ajnapti read Ajnapti.

„ 107, line 3 — For Satara read Satara.

„ 107, text-line 5 — For [^- read [^]-.

„ 108, text-line 16 — For [:*] read [:i*]

„ 116, text-line 5 — For fwx read X fwx,

„ 123, para. 3, line 2 — For Rdmaydna read Rdmdyana.

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

THE DISCOVERY OF THE VAKATAKAS

T he Vakatakas were one of the most glorious dynasties that flourished in South India
in ancient times. Their empire at one time extended from Mahva and Gujarat in the
north to the Tuhgabhadra in the south and from the Arabian Sea in the west to the Bav
of Bengal in the east. They were great patrons of literature. The liberal patronage
they gave to Sanskrit and Prakrit poets soon brought the Vaidarbhi and \’achchhomi
ritis into prominence and induced great poets like Kalidasa to adopt them for their works.
They themselves composed kdvyas and subhdshitas which have evoked praise from famous
poets and rhetoricians like Bana and Dandin, Kuntaka and Hemachandra. The temples
they erected are no longer in existence, but the sculptures found in their ruins have attract-
ed the notice of art-critics, who rank them among the best specimens of ancient times.
The magnificent vihdra and chaitya caves which their ministers and feudatories cxca\aied
out of solid rock at Ajanta and Guhvada still excite the admiration of the world. In \ iew
of these achievements there is hardly any exaggeration in the follow ing obseiwatioid of Prof
J. Dubreuil: “Of all the dynasties of the Deccan that have reigned from the third to
the sixth century, the most glorious, the most important, the one that must be gi\en the
place of honour, the one that has excelled all others, the one that has had the greatest
influence on the civilization of the whole of the Deccan is unqtiestionably the illustrious
dynasty of the A^akatakas ”.

Still, the existence and even the name of this ilhistrious dynasty had passed
into oblivion and became known only when the Siwani copper-plate grant- of
Pravarasena II was discovered in Madhya Pradesh in 1836. Xdndhs asakti, the founder
of this dynasty, was indeed mentioned in the Puranas, but partly owing to bad readings
and partly due to misconstruction, he was believed to have belonged to the Ya\ ana or Greek
race. Even after deciphering the inscription in Ajanta Cave X\T which gives the royal
genealogy from the earliest time to the last A’akataka king Harishena, Dr. Bhau Daji
remarked in 1862 that ‘the Vakatakas were a dynasty of the Ya\anas or Greeks who took
the lead in the performance of Vedic sacrifices as well as in the execution of most substantial
and costly works for the encouragement of BuddhismS ’. It has since been pointed out
that Vindhyasakti, the founder of the dynasty, is described in that inscription as a dvija,
which usuallv means a Brahmana. The gotra Vishnuvriddha of the \'akatakas is also
mentioned in almost all their copper-plate grants. It is now generally accepted that like
the Satavahanas, the Vakatakas also were a Brahmana family that rose into prominence
in the early centuries of the Christian era.

The period during which the Vakatakas flourished had long been uncertain. Un-
like the Guptas, they did not start any era, but dated all their grants in regnal years.
Their age had therefore to be conjectured from the characters of their inscriptions.

1 Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 71.

Vol. V (1836), pp. 726, f.

^J.B.B.R.A.S; Vol. VII, pp. 69 f.

INTRODUCTION

Almost all the Vakataka grants are incised in box-headed characters, which soon became
stereotyped. Experts therefore differed on the interpretation of their palaeographic
evidence. Dr. Biihler referred the Vakataka grants to the fifth century A.ch, while
Fleet2 and Kielhom^, whose opinion Sukthankar^ cited with approval, assigned them to
the eighth century' a.c. The latter view appeared to be supported by the mention, in
Vakataka grants, of Maharajadhiraja Devagupta as the maternal grandfather of Pravarasena
II. Fleet identified this Devagupta with Maharajadhiraja Devagupta of Magadha, the son
of Adityasena, mentioned in the Deo-Barirarka inscription, who flourished towards the
close of the seventh century A.c. The Vakatakas were therefore believed to have ruled
in the seventh and eighth centuries A.c. This estimate of their age proved to be wide
of the mark by the discovery, in 1912, of the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta, which
Prof. K. B. Pathak and Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit first briefly noticed in the Indian
Antiquary, Vol. XLI, (1912), pp. 214 f. and later edited fully in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol.
XV, pp. 39 f. These plates explicitly mention that Prabhavatigupta, the chief queen
(agra-mahishi) of the Vakataka king Rudrasena II and mother of the crown-prince Diva-
karasena, was the daughter of the illustrious Gupta king Maharajadhiraja Chandragupta
II. These plates, though discovered with a coppersmith of Poona, really belong to the
Hihganghat tahsil of the Wardha District in VidarbhaS. The places mentioned in that
grant could not be identified at the time, but the matrimonial relation of the Vakatakas
and the Guptas explicitly stated therein placed Vakataka chronology on a sound basis.
Thereafter, Vincent Smith, who had not written a single line on this dynasty in his Early
History of India (third edition, published in 1914), wrote a long article on it in the Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society (1914), pp. 317 f., setting forth, with his characteristic precision
and clarity, the available evidence of copper-plate grants and stone inscriptions, and giving
a history of the dynasty based on it. Later, Prof. J. Dubreuil^ and Dr. S. K. Aiyangar^
threw more light on the history of this royal family. It was, however, the late Dr. K. P.
Jayaswal who brought the Vakatakas into prominence and assigned them their rightful
place in the ancient historv'’ of India. In the book History of India, 150 a.d_ to 350 A.D.,
to which he gave the significant name ‘ Naga-Vakataka Imperial Period’, Jayaswal
tried to show that imperial rule and paramount sovereignty had been in the hands and
keeping of the \ akatakas full sixty years before Samudragupta^’. According to Jayaswal,
Pravarasena I, the son of \ indhyasakti, evolved a clear political thesis. “His thesis was
a Hindu Empire for the whole of India and the enthronement of the Sastras. Secondly, a
great literary^ movement in favour of Sanskrit begins about 250 a.d. and in 50 years reaches

a pitch at which the Guptas take it up Thirdly, revival of Varnasramadharma and

Hindu orthodoxy is emphasised very^ pointedly 5 it was the cry of the time. The society
under the Vakataka imperialism was seeking to purge the abuses crept in under Kushana
rule. It was a Hindu Puritan Movement which was greatly fostered and which received

a wide imperial implication under Pravarasena I Fourthly^ under the Vakatakas the

ait of sculpture and the graphic art of Ajanta which lay under their direct government

IV, p. 119.

^C.I.L, Vol. Ill, Introduction, p. 15.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, pp. 213 f.

^Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 13.

^ Below, p. 7.

®Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, pp. 71 f.

^Aiyangar, Ancient India (published by Sardesai), Vol. I, pp. 9 If.

^Jayaswal, History of India, 150 A.D. to 350 A.D., p, 5.

THE DISCO\’ERY OF THE VAKATAKAS

111

were vivified. . . . The credit of the revival of Hindu art which had been universall)’ attri-
buted by the present-day writers wholly to the Guptas, like the credit of Sanskrit revival, really
belongs to the Vakatakas.’’^ Many of Jayaswafs theories about the Nagas, Vakatakas and
Pallavas have been shown by sober criticism to be untenable, but there is no doubt that
his pow'erful advocacy of the Vakatakas brought that dynasty into prominence and served
to obtain recognition for their achievements.

Further progress in our knowledge of the history of the Vakatakas was made in 1939
by the discovery of a copper-plate grant of the \’akataka king Vindhyasakti II at Basim
(or Vasim) in the Akola District of Vidarbha. Before this discovery all writers who wrote
on the Vakatakas believed that there was only one line of succession in the Vakataka dynasty, 2
notwithstanding the explicit statement in the Purdnas that Pravira, the son of Vindhvasakti,
who is plainly identical with the Vakataka Samrdt Pravarasena I, had four sons, all of whom
came to the throne,^ and the discrepant evidence of the inscription in Ajanta Cave XVI
which, multilated as it is, did not seem to give quite the same line of succession as the
copper-plate grants'^. From the Basim plates, which I edited in the Epigraphia Indica,
Vol. XXVI, pp. 137 f., I showed for the first time that the Vakataka family branched
off after the death of Pravarasena I. The statement in the Puranas that he had four sons
is probably correct. Two of these are known — (i) Gautamiputra, who predeceased his
father and whose son Rudraseiia I succeeded Pravarasena I; and (ii) Sarvasena, whose
son Vindhyasakti II issued the Basim plates. I also showed from the inscription in Ajanta
Cave XVI, which I re-deciphered from a fresh estampageS, that the record contained the
names, now partly mutilated, of the princes Sarvasena and Vindhyasena, the latter being
evidently identical with Vindhyasakti II, who issued the Basim plates. It would seem,
therefore, that the extensive empire of Pravarasena I w as divided among his sons after
liis death. His grandson Rudrasena I obtained Northern Vidarbha as his patrimony, and
ruled from the old capital Purika. Sarvasena, the second son, obtained Southern
Vidarbha extending to the Godavari. Where the other two sons were ruling is not yet
known. They may have held the country south of the Godavari as well as Dakshina Kdsala.
Their rule seems to ha\’e come to an end by the rise of the Early RashVakutas and the
Sakas in Kuntala, and the Nalas and others in Dakshina Kdsala. In my article on the
Rashtrakutas of Manapura®, published in 1944, I show'ed that Manahka, the progenitor
of this Rashtrakuta family, flourished about 375 a.c. and ruled from Manapura which
is probably identical with the modern village Man on the Man river in the Satara District
of the Maharashtra State. Later, from some coins discovered in the excavations at Kondapur
and other places I show'ed that a Saka dynasty flourished in the Mahisha country comprising
the southern portion of the former Hyderabad State and the adjoining territory^. It was
founded by the !§aka king Mana who rose to power after the downfall of the Satavahanas.
These Eaidy Rashtrakutas and the Sakas w ere thus the southern neighbours of the Vakatakas.

•Jayaswal, History op India, 150 A.D. to 330 A.D., pp. 95 f.

^Aiyangar thought that there was a dispute about succession after the death of Pravarasena II,
and Narendrasena probably took the kingdom from an elder brother. Ancient India, p. 114.

^Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 50.

“^For this see A.S.W.I., Vol. IV, p. 128. The names of Vakataka princes mentioned in this Ajanta
inscription have to be revised as shown below, pp. 104 f.

^Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 14.

6A.B.O.RJ., Vol. XXV, pp. 36 f.

TJM.S.I., Vol. XI, pp. 1 f; Vol. XII, pp. 90 f.; Vol. XV, pp. 115 f.

INTRODUCTION

Some more light on the history of the Vakatakas was also thrown by the inscriptions^ and
coins^ of the Nalas, who once invaded their territory and occupied some portion of their
dominion, and also by the records^ of the Somavaifasis, who were their feudatories ruling
in Mekala.

From this resume of Vakataka history it will be seen how our knowledge of this royal
family has increased gradually during the last hundred and twenty-five years. There are
still some dark corners of its history on which more light may be thrown by future dis-
coveries, but it is now possible to give a fair outline of that history and to form a rather rough
estimate of the achievements of the Vakatakas. For this an attempt is made in the follow-
ing pages.

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 100 f. ; Vol. XXI, pp. 153 f. ; XXVIII, pp. 12 f.
2J.V.5./., Vol. I, pp. 29 f.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVII, pp. 132 f.

CHAPTER II

VAKATAKA CHRONOLOGY

T he Vakataka chronology is still more or less conjectural, but there are a few fixed
points. Though Dr. Jayasvvafs view that the Kalachuri-Chedi era was originally
founded by the Vakataka king Vindhyasakti H is untenable as none of the records
of the Vaka takas themselves are dated in it, it is not unlikely that Vindhyasakti I rose to
power about the same time as the Abhira king Isvarasena i.e. in circa 250 a.c. He may
have ruled for about twenty years {c. 250 to 270 a.c.)-. His son Pravarasena I is credited
in the Puranas with a reign of sixty years^. This is not unlikely in view of his performance
of four Asvamedhas and several Vajapeya and other Srauta sacrifices. He may therefore
have flourished from c. 270 to 330 a.c. Pravarasena Ts long reign is also indicated by
the fact that he was succeeded in the elder branch not by a son, but by a grandson,
viz- Rudrasena I. This latter prince may have ruled for about twenty years {c. 330 to 350
A.G.). AVlien his son Prith\ishena I succeeded him, his family had been ruling over the
kingdom for a hundred years (250 to 350 a.c.) and this is in keeping rvith the description
in the Vakataka grants that his treasure and army had been accumulating for a hundred
vears^. Prithivishena I seems to have had a long reign ; for he is said to have lived to see a
succession of sons and grandsons. Besides, his son Rudrasena II was a junior contemporary
of the Gupta king Chandragupta Il-Vikramaditya (c. 380-413 a.c.), whose daughter
Prabhavatigupta was married to him. Vincent Smith’s conjecture that this matrimonial
alliance of the Guptas and the Vakatakas occurred at the time of Chandragupta II s
invasion of the territory of the Saka Satraps of Gujarat and Saurashtra somewheie about
395 a.c. 5 ’ appears quite plausible. Rudrasena II therefore may have come to the throne
in c. 400 A.c. He had a short reign of about 5 years {c. 400 to 405 a.c.) ; for his dowager
queen Prabhavatigupta w'as acting as a regent for her son 1 uvardja Divakarasena for at
least 13 years. Divakarasena seems to have died soon after the issue of the Poona plates
of his mother Prabhavatigupta; for, no other grant of his reign has come down to us. He
may therefore be referred to the period c. 405 to 420 a.c. He was succeeded by his younger
brother Damodarasena alias Pravarasena II, who had a long reign of about thirty years^
{c. 420 to 450 A.C.). His son Narendrasena and grandson Prithivishena II may have each
ruled for about twent\- years, the former from c. 450 to 470 a.c., and the latter from c. 470
to 490 a.c. The period thus conjecturally assigned to Prithivishena IFs reign is corroborat-
ed by the date of his feudatory, the Uchchakalpa prince Vyaghra^, whose stone inscriptions
have been found at Nachna and Ganj in Madhya Pradesh. The latter’s son Jayanatha
was ruling in the Gupta years 174 and 1778. His reign may have extended from G. 1/0

^History of India, etc., pp. 109 f, ^ , t- x, - n j

21 adopt the reading 5 given by a MS. of the Vajiipurana. D.h.A.,

p* 48 • f» 86 . ^ C'' c- • ___ * TL ‘ j

3Cf. ?rnT ^

4 Qf_ in No. 3, line 11.

5J.R.A.S., (1914), pp. 317 f. . u 1

6 His Pandhurna plates (No. 14) are dated in the twenty-ninth regnal year. . Ror

7Vyaghra was not a feudatory of Prithivishena I as supposed by some scholars. Seebelow,pp 891.
SForf detailed discussion of the identification of the era in which the dates of the Cchchakalpa
kings are recorded, see my article entitled ‘ The Dates of Tchchakalpa kings in Ep. Ind., \ ol. XXIII,
pp, 171 f.

INTRODUCTION

to G. 190. Vyaghra, his father, was therefore probably ruling from c. G. 150 to G. 170,
i.e, from c. 470 to 490 a.c. He was thus a contemporary of the Vakataka Prithvishena II,
to whom we have conjecturally assigned the same period 470-490 a.c.

As regards the Vatsagulma Branch, its founder Sarvasena was a contemporary of
Rudrasena I of the Main Branch. He may therefore have flourished from c. 330 to 355 A.c.
His son Vindhyasena or Vindhyasakti II had a long reign of more than 37 yearsh He
may have ruled for 40 or even 45 years. He may therefore be placed in the period c. 355-
400 A.c. His successor Pravarasena II appears to have died young; for his son, whose name
is unfortunately lost in the mutilated Ajanta inscription, came to the throne at the early
age of 8 years. Pravarasena II of this branch may therefore have ruled from c. 400 to
410 A.c., and his son from 410 to 450 A.c. Devasena, who succeeded the latter, may be
referred to the period 450 to 475 a.c., and his son Harishena to c. 475 to 500 a.c. If
the story in the eighth chapter of the Dasakumarachanta has a historical basis, ^ Harishena
may have been succeeded by his son, who ruled for about ten years [c. 500 to 510 a.c.).
Thereafter, the country was conquered by the Kalachuri king Krishnaraja.

The Vakataka chronology^ may therefore be stated as follows: —

Main Branch

Vindhyasakti I
(250 A.c.)

. 1 T

Pravarasena 1
(270 A.c.)

Vatsagulma Branch

(Gautamiputra)

Rudrasena I

Sarvasena

(330 A.c.)

Prithivishena I

Vindhyasakti II or Vindhyasena

(350 A.c.)

(355 A.c.)

'■ j

Rudrasena II

Pravarasena II

(400 A.c.)

1 1

)

Son (unnamed)

Divakarasena Damodarasena

(410 A.c.)

(405 A.c.) Pravarasena II

(420 A.c.)

Narendrasena

Devasena

(450 A.c.)

Prithivishena II

Harishena

(470 A.c.)'

(475 A.'c.)

The chronology given above agrees generally

Son

(Name unknown)

(500 A.c.)

Avith that fixed by Dr. Altekar, but

differs from the one suggested by Dr. R. C. Majumdar and adopted by Dr. D. G. Sircar.

I have examined the latter in an Appendix.

1 No. 23.

2 See below. Chapter VI.

3 The years in the brackets give the approximate dates of accession.

APPENDIX

A NOTE ON DR. R. C. MAJUMDAR’S GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE

vakAtakas

Dr. R. C. Majumdar has discussed the question of the genealogy and chronology*
of the Vakatakas in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XII, pp. 1 f. He
gives the following genealogy^ with the duration of each reign: —

Vindhyasakti I
(250 A.c.)

Main (Branch)

[

Pravarasena I
(270 A.c.)

(Vatsagulma Branch)

(Gautamiputra)

RudrasEna I
(330 A.c.)

PrithivishEna I
(375 A.c.)'

RudrasEna II
(400 A.c.)

Sarvasena
(330 A.c.)

Vindhyasena or Vindhyasakti II
(350 A.c.)

PravarsEna II
(390 A.c.)

Son (name lost)

(410 A.c.)

Divakarasena Damodarasena
(420 A.c.) (435 A.c.)

PravarasEna II
(450 A.c.)

DEvasena
(450 A.c.)

NarEndrasena
(480 A.c.)

Harishena
(475 A.c.)

Prithivishena II
(505 A.c.)

This chronology is based on the following evidence; —

(i) The Riddhapur plates dated in the 19th regnal year of Pravarasena II describe
the dowager queen Prabhavatigupta as sagra-varsha-sata-diva-putra-pautra. This passage
means that Prabhavatigupta lived for more than a hundred years and had sons and grand-
sons. She appears to have survived her brother Kumaragupta whose reign came to an end
in 455 A.c. She was probably born about 365 a.c. She became a widow about 420
A.c. when she had three minor sons Divakarasena, Damodarasena and Pravarasena.
She acted as regent for Divakarasena for thirteen years. As the 100th year of Prabhavatigupta
fell before the 19th regnal year of Pravarasena II, working backwards we get the follow-
ing approximate years of the accession of her three sons —Divakarasena 420 a.c., Damodara-
sena 435 A.c. and Pravarasena 450 a.c.

(ii) Narendrasena of the Main Branch and Harishena of the Basim Branch were
contemporaries, being sixth in descent from their common ancestor Pravarasena I.
NarendrasEna’s son PrithivishEna II ^vas therefore junior to HarishEna. From the list
of conquests attributed to HarishEna it seems that he overran the territory of the mmn
Vakataka branch. PrithivishEna II, who is said to have rescued the fortunes of the family,
possibly defeated HarishEna or his successor. He was the suzerain of VyaghradEva \\’ho

ruled in the Nachna-Ganj territory.

I now proceed to examine this chronological scheme.

vni

INTRODUCTION

The main plank in the chronological structure raised by Dr. Majumdar is the
description of Prabhavatigupta in the Riddhapur plates. The expression actually occurs
in the following form : — sdgra-varsha-sata-diva-putra-pauira. This has been variously interpret-
ed. The editor of the grant suggested the following two renderings: (i) one who has sons
and grandsons, a life of full hundred years and ^vill \ [in the end) live in heaven, and (ii)
who has renowned sons and grandsons and who has li\ ed a life of full hundred years.
Of these, the first rendering is unacceptable, as the simple word diva in that expression cannot
yield the meaning ‘ w ho will in the end live in heaven The second rendering (with the
change of diva into divya) is also equally open to objection as divya means ‘ heavenly
not ‘renowned ’. Dr. Majumdar has ingeniously suggested the treading jiva in place of
diva^. He takes the expression sdgra-varsha-sata-jlva-putra-pautrd to mean that Prabhavatigupta
lived for more than a hundred years and had sons and grandsons living at the time. As
this expression is pivotal for his theory, it requires to be examined carefully.

Dr. Majumdar apparently takes the expression sdgra-varsha-saia-jiva-putra-pautrd as
a compound consisting of two adjectival expressions sdgra-varsha-satd and jiva-putra-pautrd,
the first referring to her own age of full hundred years and the latter stating that
her sons and grandsons were living at the time. As the compound stands, the
expression sdgra-varsha-sata-jiva appears to be connected with putra-pautrd, the intended
dissolution being sdgra-varsha-htam jivanti iti tddrisdh putrd pautrds=cha yasydh sd. To
have living sons and grandsons is regarded as a sign of good fortune and so the epithet
jiva-putrd is often noticed in the description of women in literature and inscriptions^. The
preceding expression indicating long life must evidently be connected wath jiva. The
expression refers to the long life of her sons and grandsons, not her own. To a Hindu wadow
like Prabhavatigupta, a long life of a hundred years is most distasteful. It is not a source
of joy. No widow is likely to boast of it. We must note in this connection that the expres-
sion occurs in Prabha\atigupta’s own grant. The long life mentioned in it must therefore
be taken to refer to her sons and grandsons.

It may, however, be asked, ‘ How could the sons and grandsons of Prabhavatigupta
have been a hundred years old in the 19th year of Pravarasena H?’ The question is
easily answered. The intention is to express the wish that they w'ould be long-lived. It
is like the attributive adjective dyushmat or dirghdyiis noticed in the description of small
children^. It would be wrong to infer from it that the children w'ere then long-lived. The
expression in Prabhavatigupta’s grant is of the same type. The only difference is that
instead of an indefinite expression indicating long life like dirghdyus, one denoting a life of
full hundred years is used. The expression must therefore be taken to mean that Prabha-
vatigupta had at that time sons and grandsons who, it was hoped, would be long-lived.
It does not refer to the long life of Prabha\ atigupta herself at all.

1 This was first pointed out by Prof. Jagan Nath in P.I.H.C., Vol. IV, pp. 58 f.

2 Cf. (i) W# I Rigveda, X, 36, 9.

(ii) i

yT =? JT I Mahdbhdrata, V, 144, 2.

(iii) I

Rdmdyana, IV, 19, 11.

(iv) in Nasik Cave Inscription, Ep. Ind., Vol. VHI, p. 73.

3See^.^. thewordsofKausalyainthe Uttarardmacharita,\\-\ie.n she sees Lava being dragged away
by the boys of Valmiki’s hermitage, eager to see the horse of Asvamedha-ipi^r? srriTT fif
arrfiT I tTT stHtr I Uttarardmackarita, Act iv. Here Kausalya

uses dirghdyusham (long-lived) as an attribute of Lava, who was in his teens.

VAKATAKA CHROiNOLOGY— APPENDIX

The foundation on which Dr. Majumclar's theory is based is thus extremely shaky.
I shall now proceed to examine the subsidiary evidence adduced by him.

(i) To account for Prabhavatigupta’s age of more than a hundred years in the
nineteenth regnal year of Pravarasena II, Dr. Majumdar supposes that the \'akataka queen
had three sons, Divakarasena, Damodarasena and Pra\arasena. According to him, she
was born about 365 a.c. and became a widow in 420 a.c., i.e. when she was in the advanced
age of 55 years. Her eldest son was then about six years old. If this is correct, we shall
have to suppose that Prabhavati had no male children till she was nearly fifty years old, or
that all her sons born before had died, and that after that age she had these three sons
in close succession. This appears very unlikely. As Dr. ^lajumdar has himself said, ‘ in
all cases where nothing definite is known, we shall proceed on the basis of a reasonable
and probable state of things ’. No grants made by Damodarasena have been discovered.
Besides, the description in the Riddhapur plates seems to point to his identity with Pra-
varasena II. The expression Vdkdtakdndm Akahdrdja-Ddmodarasena-Prararasena-jaJiani occurs
in the description of Prabhavatigupta. It uses the phrase Vdkdtakdndm Mahdrdja in connec-
tion with the name of Damodarasena, but not with that of Pra\ arasena II. When we
remember how particular the drafters of Vakataka grants \vere about the use of this title in
connection with the name of every Vakataka king who actually reigned, it looks strange
that the title should not ha\ e been prefixed to the name of Pravarasena II, w ho w as actually
ruling at the time. Again, there is no reason why the name of Divakarasena should have
been omitted. It seems probable therefore that Damodarasena and Pra\'arasena II were
identical, and that the latter name w^as adopted by the prince at the time of his accession.
From the Jamb plates dated in the second regnal year of Pravarasena II it seems clear that
this prince had come of age when he began to reign. Prabhavatigupta’s regency does
not seem to have continued long after the issue of the Poona plates dated in the thirteenth
year evidently of the boy-prince Divakarasena’s reign. It does not therefore seem likely that
Prabhavatigupta was a hundred years old in the nineteenth regnal ^■ear of Pravarasena
II.

(ii) Dr. Majumdar says that Narendrasena of the main branch and Harishena of
the Vastagulma branch were contemporaries, because both of them were sixth in descent*
from their common ancestor Pravarasena I. 5Ve cannot, however, be certain about the
contemporaneity of princes by counting generations; for, the reign-periods of kings vary
greatly. Besides, though Narendrasena was sixth in descent from Pra\arasena I, one
of his ancestors, viz-i Gautamiputra did not reign. Narendrasena was therefore probably
a contemporary of Devasena. Consequently, Prithivishena II and Harishena may have
ruled in the same period. As the latter claims to have conquered Avanti or Malwa, he
must have overrun the territory of the main branch. He had probably annexed it after
the death of Prithivishena II.

(iii) As for the restoration of the fortune of his family by Prithivishena H, that need
not refer to any struggle wnth Harishena. 5Ve know that there were wars between the
main branch of the Vakatakas and the Nalas of Pushkari. Bhavadatta of the Nala dynasty
had overrun the Vakataka territory and occupied Nandivardhana, the erstwTile Vakataka
capital. The Nalas admit that their own capital was devastated by the enemy some time
before the reign of Skandavarman, the son of Bhavadattavarman, who resettled it. It

* Really speaking, it was Prithivshena II who was a contemporary of Harishena. See the Genea-
logical Table on p. vi.

INTRODUCTION

is easy to surmise that this enemy, though not named in the inscription, was the contem-
porary^ Vakataka king. The restoration of the fortune of the Vakataka family mentioned
in the Balaghat plates probably refers to the reoccupation of Northern Vidarbha by
Prithivishena II.

The scheme of the genealog)^ and chronology of the Vakatakas proposed by Dr.
Majumdar thus goes against the available evidence of the Vakataka and other inscriptions
and is therefore untenable.

CHAPTER III

THE HOME OF THE VAKATAKAS

T he Vakatakas are generally believed to be of northern origin. Thus, Vincent
Smith, in his article on the Vakatakas, says, ‘ If Vindhyasakti and Pravarasena are the
same persons as Vindhyasakti and Pravira of the Puranas, the origin of the family
must be sought somewhere in the area now known as Central India’. Jayaswal went
one step further and derived the dynastic name Vakataka from Vakata or Vakdta on the
analogy of Traikutaka, which is plainly formed from Trikuta. He identified this Vakata,
the supposed home-land of the Vakatakas, with Bagat, a village in the northernmost part
of the former Orchha State, six miles east of Chirgaon in the District of JhansL ‘The
Brahmana says Jayaswal, ‘ who, according to the Puranas, was the first annointed king and
the founder of the dynasty and who assumed the appropriate appellation of Vindhyasakti,
adopted the name of his own town as his dynastic title ’. The northern origin of the
Vakatakas has been tacitly admitted by almost all scholars who have written on this subjects
I therefore propose to examine critically the evidence on wlrich it is based.

(1) The main basis of this theory of the northern origin of the Vakatakas is the
following passage in the Puranas^: —

a 4

ttstt I

S\ 'S

HfeearfitT Tmrr?# w ii

sflfjpr: 5|«itsvnf^ i

fipnmPftTHtRwrPT srm n

*9 •>

JtCTd ctraqiig-g " ii

ttfiT ^fsTBlTfvd HTTf«rn: II

This passage is introduced with the words, ‘ Hear also the future rulers of Vidisa ’,
and mentions towards the close the names of Vindhyasakti and Pravira, who are undoubtedly
kings of the Vakataka dynasty. It has, therefore, been supposed that Vindhyai^kti and
Pravira ruled somewhere in Central India, not far from Vidisa, modern Besnagar near
Bhilsa. This passage mentions several kings; but none of them, with the exception of the
two mentioned above, are known from any other source. Besides, it is not clear how
far the scope of the introductory statement extends.

That all the kings mentioned in this passage were not of Vidisa was realised by Pargiter
also, who gave the heading ‘ Dynasties of Vidisa, etc.’ to it. It is noteworthy that the
passage introduces iSisuka, the ruler of Purika, in verse 5. Purika, we know from the

1 See e.g. Vol. VI, p. 96. The southern origin of the Vakatakas was first pointed out by

me in KU.J., No. 3, pp. 22 f. '

2D.K.A., pp. 49-50.

Xll

INTRODUCTION

Harivariisa^ , was situated at the foot of the Rikshavat mountain, which is usually identified
with the Satpuda range. The town was therefore situated south of the Vindhyas. Pravdra
(or Pravarasena I), the son of Vindhyasakti, is mentioned in this passage immediately
after l§isuka, probably because that Vakataka prince succeeded the latter in that territory.
It may be noted in this connection that Purika appears to be mentioned as a capital of
Pravira in the next verse. Pargiter gives the following reading of it : —

^ 'TTK ^ ^ II

If this reading is adopted, the name of the Vakataka capital would be Kanchanaka,
but this reading would make the particle cha meaningless and inserted in the line merely
for padapurana. I, therefore, adopt Jayaswal’s ingenious emendation 5 ^ 4 . i

# meaning that Pravarasena ruled from two capitals Purika and Chanaka.
The verse, if thus read, would satisfactorily explain why the Vakataka king is mentioned
immediately after Sisuka. He evidently annexed the latter’s kingdom and made Purika
a second capital of his empire, which thus extended, to the Vindhyas in the north. This
passage in the Purdnas does not, therefore, give any indication that the Vakatakas originally
belonged to Central India.

(2) Another argument which is sometimes advanced to prove the northern origin
of the Vakatakas is the identification of Rudradeva mentioned in the Allahabad pillar
inscription of Samudragupta with Rudrasena I of the Vakataka dynasty^ This implies the
existence of the Vakataka empire in North India during the reigns of the early kings,
Rudrasena I and his grandfather Pravarasena I. The identification is, however, extremely
unlikely. Rudradeva, who is mentioned in that inscription as a king of Aryavarta exterminat-
ed by Samudragupta, must have been previously ruling north of the Vindhyas. \\*e have,
however, no inscription of the reign of the Vakataka Rudrasena I or of any earlier king of
the dynasty from North India. The only record of Rudrasena I discovered so far is the
stone inscription found at Deotek in the Chanda District of Vidarbha^. Rudrasena I was,
therefore, ruling in Vidarbha, not in Central India. Besides, as Dr. Altekar has already
obser\'ed,3 if Rudrasena I had been exterminated by Samudragputa, it is extremely unlikely
that his son Prithivishena I would ever have selected a Gupta princess {viz- Prabhavatigupta)
to be his daughter-in-law. For all these reasons, the identification of Rudradeva of the
Allahabad pillar inscription with the Vakataka Rudrasena I is extremely unlikely and it
cannot substantiate the northern origin of the Vakatakas.

(3) The surest indication of the rule of any king in a particular territory is the
original findspot of his stone inscriptions. Copper-plates and coins are easily carried
from place to place and are sometimes found hundreds of miles away from their original
places. Stone inscriptions are generally not transported in this manner. Now, there is
not a single inscription of any Vakataka king found north of the Vindhyas. Two stone
inscriptions'!^ of a prince named Vyaghradeva, who describes himself as ‘ meditating on the
feet of the Vakataka Prithivishena’ have, however, been discovered in Central India —
one at Nachne-ki-talai in the former Jaso State, and the other at Ganj in the former

iCf. Harivamsa, Vishnuparvan, 38, 22, ^ firtPR I fiTfiT?rT?rr5frTr?rr5p!:^T?rr*TJn'iRr: II

Rikshavat is mentioned in the Vishnupurdna as the source of the Tapi, Payoshni and Nirvindhya and
therefore corresponds to the Satpuda mountain. Cf. I : II

2No. 1.

Vol. VI, p. 105.

'^Nos. 20-21 and 22.

THE HOME OF THE VAKATAKAS

Stale. This Prithivishena is identified by some scholars with the first Vakataka
king of that name, who flourished in the period 350-400 a.c. These records are sometimes
cited to prove that the V akatakas had an empire north of the V indhyas prior to that
of the Guptas. The paleographic evidence which has been recently adduced to pro\ e the
early age of these inscriptions* is not conclusive. Besides, there is no other vestige of the
extension of Vakataka supremacy in that region as early as the reign of Prithivishena I. On
the other hand, V yaghradev'a of the aforementioned Nachna and Ganj inscriptions is
probably identical with the Uchchakalpa prince of the same name mentioned in the grants
of his son Jayanatha who flourished in the last quarter of the fifth century a.c.- His suzerain
Prithivishena was therefore the second Vakataka king of that name who flourished from
about 470 a.c. to 490 a.c. That the Vakatakas had extended their supremacy north of the
Vindhyas during the reign of Prithivishena IPs father Narendrasena is also known from
the expression J*-osald-Mekald-Mdlav-dbhyarchchita-sdsa?iah used in the Balaghat plates to
describe Narendrasena. ^ This is again confirmed by the evidence of the Pandavavarhsi king
Bharatalala who covertly refers to his suzerain Narendrasena. This Bharatabala ruled over
Mekala as stated expressly in the grant. No other king of the name of Vyaghra is known
to have ruled in Central India in the age of the Vakatakas. Vyaghradeva of the Nachna
and Ganj inscriptions therefore belonged to the Uchchakalpa dynasty and was a feudatory
of the Vakataka Prithivishena II and not of Prithivishena I, who flourished nearly 120
years earlier. These inscriptions do not, therefore, evidence any early rule of the Vakatakas,
much less their home-land, north of the Vindhyas.

(4) As stated before, the find-spots of copper-plates and coins aflbrd no sure proof
of the rule of any dynasty in a particular territory. Still, their evidence also has to be
considered in the absence of other proofs. The only copper-plate grant of the Vakatakas
said to have been found in North India is that recorded on the so-called Indore plates^ of
Pravarasena II. These plates were found in the collection of the late Pandit Vamanasastri
Islampurkar. It is well known that the Pandit was engaged in collecting old Sanskrit
manuscripts and historical records from different parts of the countr\-. I have shown
elsewhere that two other grants^ found in his collection at Indore were originally from
Khandesh and the places mentioned in them can also be located in Khandesh. As all other
copper-plate grants of the Vakatakas discovered so far originally came from Vidarbha,
the Indore copper-plate grant also, in all probability, belongs to the same part of the
country. None of the places mentioned in it have been located in North India. ^

As for coins, Jayaswal drew attention to some coins of North Indian fabric which he
attributed to the Vakatakas. The coin with the legend Pravarasenasya^ bears, according
to Jayaswal, the date 76, and that having the legend Rudra,^ the date 100. Jayaswal referr-
ed these dates to the so-called Kalachuri-Chedi era commencing in 248 a.c., which, accord-

*In H.C.I.P., Vol. Ill, p. 179, n. 1. D. C. Sircar has drawn attention to the triangular v and the
old forms of j and t, which, according to him, evidence an early date for Vyaghradeva’s feudatory
Prithivishena, but the evidence is inconclusive. See below pp. 89 f. See also my article on this
subject in Dr. S. K. Belvalkar Felicitation Volume, pp. 286 f.

2C././., Vol. Ill, Nos. 26 and 27.

3No. 18, pp. 27-28.

^No. 19, lines 31-34.

5No. 9.

Vol. IV, pp. 5 f.

■^I have identified some of them in the Balaghat District. See below, p. 40.

^History of India, etc., pp. 52 f.

^Ibid., pp. 108 f.

XIV

INTRODUCTION

ing to him, was really started by the Vakatakas. If his readings of the legends and
dates and the identification of the era are correct, these coins may indicate the extension
of Vakataka rule north of the Vindhyas during the reigns of the early Vakataka rulers
Pravarasena I and Rudrasena I. But Jayaswal’s readings and interpretations have been
disputed by other scholars. Dr. Altekar has shown that the coin attributed to Pravarasena
is really of Virasena. The symbols which Dr. Jayas^val supposed to be the date 76 are
really the branches of a tree in railing. As for the coins of Rudrasena I, w^hat he took to
be the letters Rudra is really the tri-ratna symbol. The symbol supposed to denote the date
100 is clearly a svastikaA So these coins cannot be attributed to any Vakataka king. In
fact, the Vakatakas did not strike any coins, but used the currency of the Guptas throughout
their kingdom. Several gold coins of Chandragupta II have been found in Vidarbha.
The silver coins of the ^Vestern Kshatrapas also may have been current in their territory.
Some hoards of Kshatrapa coins have been found in the Chhindw'ada and other districts
of Madhya Pradesh. Again, even supposing that the readings of the dates on these coins
are correct, they cannot be referred to the era of 248 a.c. That era w^as not started by
the Vakatakas^ and has not been used in dating any Vakataka grant. All inscriptions
of the Vakatakas are dated in regnal years. As a matter of fact, the era w’as introduced in
Vidarbha qf/er the downfall of the Vakatakas. The onl)^ date of that era found in Vidarbha
occurs in the recently discovered Nandivardhana plates of Svamiraja, W'ho was probably
a feudatory of the Kalachuri king Krishnaraja.^

The foregoing discussion must have made it plain that neither the era nor the coins
are of the Vakatakas. There is thus not an iota of evidence to prove that the Vakatakas
originally hailed from North India.

I shall now proceed to state some e\ idence which indicates that the original home of
the dynasty was in the Deccan.

(i) The earliest mention of the name Vakataka occurs in the following record^- incised
on a fragment of an octagonal pillar at Amaravati in the Guntur District of Andhra State.
It is in Prakrit and is in characters of about the third centuiy' a.c.

Inscription No. 126 — 5

Line 1 nm n g q lnfaPt

„ 2 vrfymiT

9 » 3

The inscription is unfortunately fragmentary, but its extant portion shows that it was
intended to record the gift of a grihapati (householder) named Vakataka and his two wives,
one of w'hom was named Chamuna. The gift ^vas made by them at the instance of a
Thera (Buddhist Bhikshu) named Bodhika and for the longevity of themselves and their
agnates {jnatis), friends and relatives. Vakataka is used here as a personal name and
not as a family name. This record show's that the grihapati Vakataka had gone to Amara-
vati w'ith his w'ives to make donations there for the longevity of himself, his wives and
relatives. The name of the native village was mentioned in the beginning of the first line
but it is now' lost. In view of the difficulties of travelling in those days it would not be

Vol. V, pp. 130 f.

2 It was probably started by the Abhira king Is'varasena. C.I.I., Vol. IV, pn xxiii f

^ Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 611 f.

^ Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 267 and plate.

5 This number is cited from Artiaramti Sculptures in the Madras Government Museum, p, 304.

THE HOME OF THE VAKATx\KAS

wrong to infei' that this girihapati \' aka taka was the resident of a country not very far from
Amaravati. It may be noted in this connection that the inscriptions discov^ered at
Amaravati generally mention countries, rivers and places of South India such as Dravida,
the Krishna, the Godavari, Dhanakataka and Kantakasailad The only places of North
India wliich I have noticed in the 126 inscriptions of Amaravati that have been publish-
ed so far are Raj agriha and Pataliputra, mentioned as places of residence of monks who
or whose disciples made certain donations at Amaravati. The inference that the grihapati
Vakataka mentioned in inscription No. 126 was a resident of South India would thus appear
reasonable.

On palaeographic grounds this inscription has been referred to the third century
A.c. The grihapati Vakataka mentioned in it was not therefore far removed in time from
Vindhyasakti I, who seems to have come into prominence about 250 a.c. This grihapati
was in all probability the progenitor of the Vakataka family even as Gupta was of the Gupta
family. What social or official status he had, w'e do not know; but he was apparently of
sufficient importance to be regarded as the progenitor of the family. This Vakataka was then
a follower of Buddhism, but later on he or his descendants seem to have changed their reli-
gious faith and become staunch supporters of the Vedic religion. Several instances of such
change of faith can be cited from the ancient history of India.

(2) There are several other indications of the southern origin of the Vakatakas, In
the formal portions of Vakataka grants there occur several technical terms wliich are noticed
in the Hirahadgalli and Mayidavolu plates of the Pallava king ^ivaskandavarman. Some
of these may be given here.

Expressions in the Basim plates Corresponding expressions in the Pallava grants

1 .

These similarities are surely not accidental. They presuppose some connection
of the Vakatakas with the Pallavas, It is also possible that both these dynasties borrowed
these expressions from earlier Satavahana inscriptions. No such technical terms have,
however, been noticed in any early grants of North India.

(3) Again, the titles Haritiputra and Dharmamahdrdja, mentioned in connection with
the earliest Vakataka kings Pravarasena I, Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti II in the Basim
plates, unmistakably point to the southern origin of the family; for, these titles are noticed
in the early grants of only southern dynasties such as the Vinhukada Satakarnis, the
Pallavas, the Kadambas and the Early Chalukyas. They are not found in the early grants
of any northern dynasty.

(4) Finally, the patronage that the Vakatakas extended to a ministerial family of
South India for several generations may also indicate their southern origin. This family
was named Vallura after the village Vallura ‘ in the southern region which w^as its original
place of residence’. This place has not yet been definitely identified, but it may be the
same as modern Velur which lies about 30 miles north by east of Hyderabad in the Yelgandal

1 See the list of geographical names, ibid., pp. 332 f.

XVI

INTRODUCTION

District of the former Hyderabad State. The progenitor of this family was Yajfiapati. His
son Deva, who was a contemporary of Vindhyasakti and perhaps also of his son Pravarasena
I, is described in the Ghatotkacha cave inscription as a very pious Brahmana, at whose
instance the whole kingdom including the king engaged itself in the performance of religious
rites. From Vakataka inscriptions also we have evidence of a phenomenal religious
activity in this period. Pravarasena I, Avho was the real founder of Vakataka imperial powder,
is said to have performed several sacrifices such as Agnishtdma, Aptoryama, Ukthya,
Shodasin, Atiratra, Vajapeya, Brihaspatisava and Sadyaskra, besides four Asvamedhas.
No other early king of North or South India, except Madhavavarman I of the Vishnukundin
dynasty, is known to have performed so many Srauta sacrifices. It is not unlikely that
he was encouraged in this by this pious Brahmana minister Deva. Ravi, the grandson of
Deva, is said to have established his sway o\'er the whole territory {krit-ddhipatyarh vishaye
samagre) . He w as a contemporary of the Vakataka king Sarv asena who founded a separate
kingdom with Vatsagulma as its capital. Ravi may have assisted Sarvasena in extending
the limits of his patrimony by making fresh conquests. The last tw'o known members of
this family, Hastibhoja and Varahadeva, were the capable ministers of the Vakataka
kings Devasena and Harishena respectively. It will be seen that the two families — •
ministerial and royal — which were intimately connected with each other for several genera-
tions, rose to distinction in the same period. The ministerial family hailed from Vallura
which, as shown above, may be identified with Velur in the Central Deccan. The ori-
ginal habitation of the grihapati Vakataka cannot be determined owing to the unfortunate
mutilation of Inscription No. 126 at Amaravati, but it was also probably situated in the
Central Deccan. This also affords the most plausible explanation of how the Vakatakas
rose to power in Vidarbha or Central Deccan immediately after the downfall of the Satava-
hanas.

The evidence adduced above will, I hope, convince readers that the original home
of the Vakatakas was in South India.

CHAPTER IV

EARLY RULERS

T he middle of the third century a.c. marks the commencement of an important epoch
in the history of South India. The Satavahanas, who had held a major part of the
peninsula for an unusually long period of more than four centuries and a half, disappear
from the stage of history about this time. Pulumavi IV is the last known king of the Andhra
{i.e. Satavahana) dynasty mentioned in the Purdnas. His rock inscription has been found at
Adoni in the Bellary District of Andhra State*, while his potin coins have been discovered
at Tarhala in the Akola District of Vidarbha^. He therefore probably ruled over an
extensive kingdom stretching from the Narmada in the north to the Tuhgabhadra
in the south. After his downfall in circa 250 a.c., several small kingdoms appear to have risen
in the different provinces which had previously been under his sway. The Purdnas say that
on the dismemberment of the Andhra Empire the servants of the Andhras, viz. the
Sriparvatiyas, Andhras, Abhiras, Gardabhilas, Sakas, Yavanas, Tusharas, Murundas and
Hunas would rise to power. 3 This statement has, to a certain extent, been corroborated
by the discovery of inscriptions and coins. W e know' that the Abhiras carved out a king-
dom for themselves in Northern Maharashtra, Kohkan and Gujarat,"* and the Sriparavatiyas
or the Ikshvakus did the same in the lower Krishna valley.^ Again, we have numismatic
evidence of the rise of a I§aka dynasty in the southern parts of the Hyderabad State after the
overthrow of the Satavahanas.® The founder of this dynasty was Mana Mahisha, whose
power and prestige entitled him to a mention in the Purdrias. He had the status of Mahd-
sendpati probably under the Satavahanas. Later, he threw' off their yoke, but continued the
title for some time on his coins. The Puranic statement about the rise of the Gardabhilas,
Yavanas, Tusharas, Murundas and Hunas remains to be verified by the discovery of
inscriptions and coins. They may have usurped power in the provinces north of the
Narmada. As regards the Sakas, who also are mentioned in the same context, we have
evidence of an independent §aka kingdom in Central India, different from that of the Western
Kshatrapas of Saurashtra. It was founded by the Mahddaridandyaka Sridharavarman.^
Strange as it may appear, the Purdnas make no mention of the Vakatakas among the dynasties
that rose after the downfall of the Satavahanas. They no doubt mention Vindhyasakti,
but they place his rise after the Kilakila (or Kblikila) kings who succeeded the Satavahanas.
We have, however, no other evidence of the rule of these Kilakila or Kolikila kings.®

Vindhyasakti I is the earliest known king of the Vakataka dynasty. He is mentioned
n the aforementioned passage of the Purdnas and also in an inscription in Cave XVI at
Ajanta.9 The latter record calls him ‘ the banner of the \"akataka family ' and gives the

* Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, pp. 153 f. The editor of this record ascribes it to Pulumavi II, Vasishthiputra,
but the palaeographical evidence shows that it belongs to the reign of the last king, Pulumavi IV.

Vol. II, pp. 92 f. The king’s name occurs as Puluhamavi on the coins found at Tarhal a.
^D.K.A., pp. 45 f.

^C.LI., Vol. IV, pp. xxxiii f.

= Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, pp. 1 f.

Vol. XV, pp. 1 f.

^ C.LL, Vol. IV, pp. xxxviii f.

®Cf. I D.K.A., p. 48,

9 No. 25, line 1.

XVlll

INTRODUCTION

valuable information that he was a dvija, which usually means a Brahmana. Later Vakataka i
inscriptions mention Vishnuvriddha as the gdtra of the Vakatakas. How Vindhyasakti I
was related to the grihapati Vakataka mentioned in an inscription at Amaravati we do not know;
but it is not unlikely that like the Saka Mahdsendpati Mana, he also had previously occupied a
position of power and vantage under the Satavahanas, which facilitated his rise to royal
power.

Scholars are not agreed about the original home of this Vindhyasakti. The Puranic
passage referred to above is supposed to indicate that he was a ruler of Vidisa.* This is
not correct. The Pur anas mention not Vindhyasakti I, but his son Pravarasena I (under
the name Pravira) in connection with the rulers of Vidisa, because, as shown below, the
latter annexed the kingdom of Purika where a scion of the Naga family of Vidisa was ruling.
Vindhyasakti’ s home was probably situated in the Central Deccan not far from Vallura,
the original habitation of the ministerial family which faithfully serv^ed the Vakatakas for
several generations. The Purdnas mention two capitals Purika and Chanaka of his son
Pravarasena 1.2 Of these, Chanaka was probably the older capital from which Vindhya-
sakti was ruling. It has not been identified.

The Ajanta inscription highly glorifies Vindhyasakti I. He is said to have augmented
his power by fighting great battles. When enraged, he was irresistible. He had a large
cavalry, by means of which he exacted submission from his enemies. We have no reliable
information about the extent of his kingdom. His name is supposed to be a biruda, suggest-
ing the extension of his kingdom to the Vindhyan region, but according to the Puranic
account this was achieved not by him but by his son Pravarasena I. We may, however,
well believe that starting from his base in the Central Deccan he raided and occupied parts
of Vidarbha. The Sanskrit and Prakrit charters of the Vakatakas omit Vindhyasakti’s
name and start the genealogy of the royal family invariably from his son Pravarasena I.
Again, no regal title is prefixed to his name even in the Ajanta inscription. From this
it has been surmised that Vindhyasakti I received no formal coronation^. This is hardly
convincing. The reason for the omission of his name seems to be that the real founder of
Vakataka power was not he, but his son Pravarasena I, who greatly extended his
dominion. The Ajanta inscription which mentions his name is in verse. It mentions no
regal titles in connection with the names of other rulers also. So there is no reason to
doubt that Vindhyasakti carved out an independent kingdom for himself in ancient Vidarbha
He probably flourished in the period 250-270 a.c. In some Purdnas he is credited with a
reign of 96 years, but the period, if correct, may rather represent his long life.^

Pravarasena I, who succeeded Vindhyasakti I, was the most renowned king of this
dynasty. He extended his dominion in different directions. He carried his arms to
the Narmada in the north and annexed the kingdom of Purika. The Purdnas say that a king
named Sisuka, who was the daughter’s son of a Naga king of Vidisa, ’was ruling there
Pravarsena deposed him and incorporated his kingdom into his own dominion He then
transferred his capital to Purika. This city was situated somewhere at the foot of the
Rlksha^^at or Satpuda mountain.5 We have no definite knowledge about the other

^K.H.LP., p. 96.

3wS./.P.rWh Jayaswal’s amendation ^ ^ ^fcj jfert ^ ^ ,

I II in a Ms. of Vdjupurana. D.K.A., p. 48

CL Hanvamsa, Vishnuparvan, 38, 22— ^ fTOW I tTT TTf TTsrr ;mr

II Rikshavat is mentioned in the Vishnupurdna as the source of thp TSn* p n v. ^ j at-
and therefore corresponds to the Satpuda moumain. ^

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. V

PLATE P

MAP SHOWING PLACES MENTIONED IN

VAKATAKA INSCRIPTIONS

74 75 76 77

• FIND-SPOTS OF COPPER PLATES.

1 lOo 63

FIND-SPOTS OF STONE INSCP\PiS0N5
SCALE - 1 inch = 43 MILES

:ap '

EARLY RULERS

XIX

campaigns of Pravarasena. It has been suggested that he succeeded in imposing his
suzerainty over the Western Kshatrapas Rudrasiriiha II and Yasodaman II, who were his
contemporaries, and who, unlike their predecessors, did not assume the title of Mahdksha-
trapa.^ There is, however, as yet no definite proof of this. The break in the use of the
higher title by the AVestern Kshatrapas may be due to the rise of an independent kingdom
in Central India under the §aka king Sridharavarman. There is also no evidence to show
that Pravarasena I carried his victorious arms beyond the Narmada and incorporated
Baghelkhand into his dominion. 2 The only proof of Vakataka suzerainty in Baghelkhand
in this early period is furnished by the lithic records, at Nachna and Ganj, of Vyaghradeva,
who calls himself a feudatory of the Vakataka Prithivishena ; but as shown elsewhere, these
records belong to a much later age, Prithivishena mentioned therein being the second
Vakataka king of that name who flourished in circa 470-490 a.c.

It is also unlikely that Pravarasena I made any conquests in Northern Maharashtra,
Gujarat and Konkan, which were ruled by the pow'erful Abhira kings. He may have
succeeded in conquering parts of North Kuntala comprising Kolhapur, Satara and Shola-
pur Districts of the Maharashtra State. Eastward, he may have carried his arms to Dakshina
Kosala, Kalinga and Andhra, which were ruled by petty princes in this period. The paucity
of records of this age makes it difficult to state his conquests or the exact limits of his dominion.

Pravarasena I was a pious man and a staunch supporter of the Vedic religion. He
performed a number of Vedic sacrifices. The records of his successors almost invariably
mention his performance of the seven Soma sacrifices^ as well as four A^vamedhas. The
Pur anas make a special mention of his Vajapeya sacrifices which were marked by liberal
gifts to Brahmanas.4 Thereafter he assumed the unique imperial title Samrat, which is
mentioned in several records of his descendants.^ Like the early Pallava kings, he took
also the title Dharmamahdrdja indicative of his piety and righteous conquests.® Like the
Vinhukada Satakarnis^, he called himself Hdritiputra, a descendant of Hariti. These two
titles are indicative of his association with southern kings.

By his conquests and performance of Asvamedha sacrifices Pravarasena I proclaimed
his supremacy in the Deccan. He sought to strengthen his position still further by means
of a matrimonial alliance with the Bharasivas of North India. The latter belonged to the
Naga race and may originally have been reigning in Vidarbha; for, an early stone inscrip-
tion of a Bhara king named Bhagadatta {circa second century a.c.) has been found at Pauni
in the Bhandara District of Vidarbha.® Subsequently they appear to have raided North
India, where they established themselves. Copper coins of their Adhirdja (Emperor)

1JV.7/./.F., Vol. VI, pp. 38 f., p. 100. , , n

^Ibid., p. 100. There is also no evidence that the empire of Pravarasena I extended to nundelkhanq

in the north as stated in H.C.I.P., Vol. II, p. 220.

3 The seven Soma sacrifices (called sapta Sma-samsthah) ar<^usually named as follows; — Agnishtoma,
Atyagnishtoma, Ukthya, Shodasin, Vajapeya, Atiratra and AptSryama. Vakataka inscriptions men-
tion all these except Atyagnishtoma and add Brihaspatisava and Sadyaskra to them. Cf. No. 3, lines
1 f. No. 23 mentions Jyotishtoma, but omits Ukthya, Shodasin and Atiratra.

^D.K.A., p. 50. A MS. of the Vdyupurdna mentions Vajimedhas in place ofVajapeyas.

5 The performer of a Vajapeya sacrifice is entitled to assume the title SamrdL Cf. ^

II Satapatha Brdhmana, V, 1, 1, 3. r^u • •

6 The Xii\t Dharmamahdrdja, which Hindu kings assumed in the early centuries of the Christian era,
may have been suggested by the title Dharmamahdmdtra borne by some high officials of Asoka. We find
it fOT the first time in the Hirahadagalli grant of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman. Some northern
kings assumed the title o{ Dharmavijayin or righteous conqueror. C.I.I., Vol. IV, pp. 15 and 609.

TInd. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 333.

INTRODUCTION

Bhavanaga have been found at Padmavati, the well-known capital of the NagasJ From
Vakataka records we learn that the Bharasivas were staunch Saivas. They carried on their
shoulders the emblem of Siva (perhaps his trisula or trident) and believed that they owed
their royal position to that god’s grace.2 They performed as many as ten Asvamedhas
and were consecrated with the water of the Gahga, which they had obtained by their
valour. The description plainly shows that the Bharasivas had driven away the Kushanas
from Central India and recovered from them the tirthas of Prayaga and Kasi, which are re-
garded as sacred by all devotees of Siva. Bhavanaga, the Maharaja of the Bharasivas, was a
contemporary of Pravarasena I. He gave his daughter in marriage to Gautamiputra, who
was probably the eldest son of the Vakataka Emperor. This alliance with the powerful
Naga family of the North appears to have greatly strengthened the power and prestige of
the Vakatakas; for, it is invariably mentioned in all grants of Gautamiputra’s descendants.
The Purdnas credit Pravarasena I (whom they call Pravira) with a long reign of 60 years,
which is not unlikely in view of his performance of four Asvamedhas and several Vajapeya
sacrifices. He may have ruled from about 270 a.c. to 330 a.c.

Pravarasena I had a very pious, learned and active Prime Minister named Deva,
who is eulogised in the Ghatotkacha cave inscription. It is said that by his influence the
whole kingdom including the king engaged itself in the performance of religious duties.^
The phenomenal religious activity noticed in the reign of Pravarasena I may have been
mainly due to the influence of this learned and pious statesman.

According to the Purdnas, Pravarasena I had four sons, all of whom became kings.'*^
Until recently this statement of the Purdnas appeared incredible; for, there was no evidence
that the Vakataka family had branched off so early. The discovery of the Basim copper-
plate grant in 1939 showed for the first time that besides Gautamiputra mentioned in several
Vakataka grants, Pravarasena I had at least one more son named Sarvasena.5 His name
has also been noticed in the inscription in Cave XVI at Ajanta.® It seems therefore cer-
tain that the extensive empire of Pravarasena I was divided among his four sons after his
death. The eldest branch probably continued to reign from the old capital Purika. The
second son Sarvasena established himself at the holy city of Vatsagulma, modern Basim
in the Akola District of Vidarbha. One of the remaining sons may have been ruling over
North Kuntala comprising the upper Krishna valley, and the other may have been put
in charge of Dakshina Kosala, if that was included in the dominion of Pravarasena I.
No records of these two branches have yet come to light probably because they were
short-lived. The Kuntala branch may have been crushed out of existence by the Rashtra-
kuta family which was founded by Manahka in the upper Krishna valley in circa 375
A.c. 7 The branch ruling in Dakshina Kosala may also have been ousted by the Nalas and
others who rose to power about the middle of the fourth century a.c.^

Vol. V, pp. 21 f.

2 Cf. No. 3, lines 4-5 etc.

3Cf. f^r: qr^f fq' ii No. 26, line 5.

4Gf. ^ ^sprr: l D.K.A., p. 50.

5 No. 23, line 4.

6 No. 25, line 6.

7 See my article ‘The Rashtrakutas of Manapura ’ in A.B.O.R.L, Vol. XXV, pp. 36 f. Also SI,
Vol. I, pp. 178 f.

8 For the Nala kings see my article ‘Gold Coins of Three Kings of the Nala Dynasty’, J.K.S.I.,
Vol. I, pp. 29 f. For the family ruling in Dakshina Kosala, see Arahg Plates of Bhimasena II. Ep.
Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 342 f. As I have shown {ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 227 f.), the date of this grant is G. 182
(501 A.G.), not G. 282 as taken by the editor.

CHAPTER V

THE MAIN BRANCH

G AUTAMIPUTRA, the eldest soni of Pravarasena I, predeceased his father. The
latter was therefore succeeded by his grandson Rudrasena I in circa 330 a.c.
In later Vakataka records Rudrasena I is invariably described as the daughter’s son
of Bhavanaga, the Maharaja of the Bharasivas, which indicates that the young prince had
the powerful support of the Nagas of Padmavati. Only one inscription of his reign has been
discovered, viz., that at Deotek in the Chanda District of Vidarbha.2 It is incised on a large
slab of stone after chiselling off an earlier record, issued probably by a Mahdmatra of Asoka
the Great, prohibiting the capture and slaughter of animals. The Vakataka inscription
on the slab records that the shrine where the slab was put up was the dharma-sthana (place
of religious worship) of the Rdjan Rudrasena. Rudrasena I was a fervent devotee of
Mahabhairava, the terrific god created by §iva for the destruction of Daksha’s sacrifice. He
had no regard for the doctrine of ahirhsd preached by A^ka. He therefore apparently had
no scruples in getting his own inscription incised on the same slab which contained an old
proclamation of the great Buddhist Emperor prohibiting the capture and slaughter of animals.

Rudrasena I was a contemporary of the mighty Gupta king Samudragupta. His
age was therefore a period of great convulsion in the country to the north of the Narmada.
Samudragupta, with the powerful support of the Lichchhavis of Vaisali, embarked upon
a career of conquest and annexation in North India. His Allahabad pillar inscription
mentions a large number of princes of Aryavarta or the country to the north of the Narmada
whom he forcibly dethroned and whose kingdoms he annexed. ^ Among these rulers were
the Naga princes Nagadatta, Ganapati Naga and Nagasena. Of these, Ganapati Naga
was probably the contemporary ruler of Padmavati; for, his coins have been found there.
He was evidently the successor of Bhavanaga. The other Naga princes were probably ruling
over smaller states in Central India. We do not know what measures Rudrasena I took
to help his relatives in North India, but there is no doubt that their final defeat and over-
throw deprived him of the support of a powerful confederacy of the Naga States.

After subduing the princes of North India, Samudragupta led his expedition to the
south. The first king who felt the weight of his arms was Mahendra, the lord of Kosala,
i.e. Chhattisgadh. This king may previously have been a feudatory of the Vakatakas, his

1 Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, drawing attention to the faulty construction in the stereotyped form of the
Vakataka genealogy, suggested that Gautamiputra was the grandson, not the son, of Pravarasena I.
If this view is accepted, the successor of Pravarasena I would be his great-grandson as Gautamiputra
did not evidently come to the throne, the expression Vdkdtakdndrh Mahdrdja, which occurs invariably in
the description of every Vakataka king, being absent in his case. Again, if Gautamiputra was the
grandson, not the son of Pravarasena I, who was the son of the latter? Why is his name omitted?
These questions cannot be satisfactorily answered. For further discussion of this question, see my article
in Ind. Cult., Vol. XI, pp. 232-33.

2 No. 1.

3 Some scholars identify Rudradeva mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription as uprooted by
Samudragupta with the Vakataka Rudrasena I, but the former was a uler of Aryavarta or North India,
while the Vakatakas had, in this early period, no foot-hold north of the Narmada as shown above. Again,
as Dr. Altekar has shown, if Rudrasena I had been killed by Samudragupta, his son Prithivishcna I would
not have accepted Prabhavatigupta, the grand-daughter of Samudragupta, as a bride for his son Rudra-
sena II. Ind. Cult., Vol IX, pp. 103 f.

XXll

INTRODUCTION

powerful neighbours to the west. It is not known if Rudrasena lent him any aid in resisting
the aggression of the Gupta Emperor, but Mahendra was ultimately defeated^ and had to
allow Samudragupta to pass through his territory for invading the kingdoms of Vyaghraraja
of Mahakantara (the Great Forest Country, now called the Bastar District of Madhya
Pradesh) and other southern kings.

These Gupta conquests dealt a severe blow to the power and prestige of this senior
branch of the Vakataka family. Vyaghraraja of Mahakantara, who probably belonged to the
Nala family, Mantaraja of Kurala, Mahendragiri of Pishtapura (modern Pithapuram) and a
host of other princes who were ruling in Kalihga and Andhra, threw off the Vakataka yoke and
submitted to the Gupta Emperor. The kingdom of this Senior branch, therefore, came to be
confined to Northern Vidarbha which lay between the Narmada and the Indhyadri range.

Though Rudrasena I’s kingdom was thus much reduced in size, he maintained his
independence and did not submit to the mighty Gupta Emperor. Perhaps Samudragupta,
like Alexander, grew wiser by the resistance he encountered in his southern campaign, and
avoided a direct conflict with the Vakataka king. He may also have thought it prudent to
have friendly relations with his southern neighbour who occupied a strategic position
with regard to the kingdom of the powerful Western Kshatrapas, wEom he had not yet
subdued. In any case, there are no signs of Gupta supremacy in the Vakataka records of the
age.2 The Vakatakas did not adopt the Gupta era, but throughout dated their grants in
regnal years. As they had no coins of their own, they were not loth to use Gupta currency
as they had used §aka coinage before, but that was certainly no indication of Gupta
suzerainty. Their relations with the Guptas seem to have been very friendly.

Rudrasena I was succeeded in circa 350 A.c. by his son Prithivishena I, who is
eulogised in the grants of his successors as a fervent devotee of Mahesvara and is endowed
with such noble qualities as truthfulness, compassion, self-restraint and charity as well
as with heroism and political wisdom. He is compared with Yudhishthira, the great
Pandava hero of yore, who was famous for such virtues. Prithivishena I appears to have
pursued a peaceful policy which brought happiness and contentment to his people. Across
the northern frontier of his kingdom, the Gupta Emperors Samudragupta and Chandra-
gupta II were following an aggressive policy, subduing their neighbours and annexing
their territories. Prithivishena wisely refrained from being entangled in these wars and
devoted himself to the consolidation of his position in the south and the amelioration of
the condition of his subjects. The results of his policy are summed up in official Vakataka
records in the following words: — Prithivishena I had a continuous supply of treasure and army
which had been accumulating for a hundred years. ^

Prithivishena I had probably a long reign, which seems to have terminated in circa
400 A.c. Some years before the close of it, in circa 395 a.c., Chandragupta H, who had

1 That Gupta supremacy was acknowledged in South Kosala is shown by the use of the Gupta
era by the descendants of Mahendra. See Arang plates of Bhimasena II, Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 342 f.,
with the correction of their date by me in ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 228.

2 Rudrasena I mentions his title Rdjan in the Deotek inscription. In the records of his descendants
he is styled Maharaja. These titles, as contrasted with that of Samrdt assumed by his grandfather Pravara-
sena I, may be supposed to indicate a feudatory status. But, as Dr. Altekar has shown, this distinction
was not observed in South India. The title Maharaja was adopted by paramount sovereigns as well
as feudatory princes in South India. It was, for instance, assumed by the Vishnukundin Emperor
Madhavavarman I, who performed as many as eleven Asvamedhas as well as by the rulers of Valkha
who ‘meditated on the feet of their Great Lord C.I.I., Vol. IV, pp. 5 f.

3 No. 3, lines 11-12.

THE MAIN BRANCH

XXlll

by that time become the lord paramount of a large part of North India, launched his
attack on the §aka Kshatrapas of Malwa and Saurashtrad The causes of this war are not
known. The Kshatrapas were the northern neighbours of the Vakatekas. They had held
the fertile provinces of MMwa, Northern Gujarat and Saurashtra for more than three
centuries and had become very powerful. It is therefore not unlikely that Chandragupta II
sought the alliance of his powerful neighbour, the Vakataka king Prithivishena I, in his war
against the Kshatrapas. The combined strength of the Guptas and the Vaka takas was
sufficient to wipe out the Western Kshatrapas, who disappear from lustory about this
time. Chandragupta II then annexed Malwa and probably made Ujjayini a second capital
of his vast empire. He sought to cement the political alliance with the Vaka takas by giving
his daughter Prabhavatigupta in marriage to the Vakataka prince Rudrasena II, the son
of Prithivishena I. This matrimonial alliance between the ruling families of Malwa and
Vidarbha recalled a similar event which had occurred more than five centuries earlier in the
time of the iSungas. Kalidasa’s Mdlavikdgnimitra, which draws its theme from the latter event,
was probably staged first at Ujjayini on the occasion of the marriage of PrabhWatigupta
and Rudrasena II. 2

Like his father, Prithivishena I was a Saiva. During his time the Vakataka capital
seems to have been shifted to Nandivardhana, modern Nandardhan (also called Nagardhan)
near Ramtek, about 28 miles from Nagpur. This place is surrounded by strongly fortified
forts like Ghughusgadh and Bhivgadh, which may have been the reason for its selection
as a site for the royal capital. ^

Prithivishena I was succeeded by his son Rudrasena II, the son-in-law of the illustrious
Gupta king Chandragupta Il-Vikramaditya. Unlike his ancestors who were all Saivas,
this prince was a devotee of Chakrapani (Vishnu), to whose grace he ascribed his prosperity.
This change in religious creed may have been due to the influence of his wife Prabhavati-
gupta, who, like her father, was a devotee of Vishnu. She greatly venerated the pddamulas
(foot-prints) of Ramachandra on the hill of Ramgiri, where she made both of her known
grants.4 This Ramagiri is modern Ramtek, a well-known place of pilgrimage near Nagpur,
which lay about three miles from the then Vakataka capital Nandivardhana.

Rudrasena II died soon after his accession, in circa 405 a.c., leaving behind two sons,
Divakarasena and Damodarasena, who succeeded him one after the other.5 Divakarasena
was a minor at the time of his father’s death. The dowager queen Prabhavatigupta
therefore looked after the affairs of the State as regent for her little son. Her Poona plates,
which were issued from Nandivardhana in the thirteenth year evidently of the boy prince’s
reign, revealed for the first time that she was a daughter of the famous Gupta king Chandra-

IThe last known date of the Western Kshatrapas is S. 310 orS. 3 lx (i.e. 388 a.c. or 388 -rx a.c.)
while the earliest date of Chandragupta II noticed in the inscriptions of Malwa is G. 82 (401-2 a.c.).
V. Smith therefore conjectured that the war against the Kshatrapas must have occurred in circa 395 a.c.

2 There are other instances of Sanskrit plays being staged on similar occasions. See e.g. Rajasekhara’s
Viddhasdlabhanjikd {C.I.I., Vol. IV, pp. Ixxixf.).

3See Wellsted, “ Vakatakas of the C. P. andBerar and Their Country”, J.A.S.B. (N.S.), Vol.
XX, pp. 58 f.

4 Ramagiri is explicitly mentioned as the place of issue in her Riddhapur plates, No. 8, line 1.
The grant recorded in her Poona plates was also probably made at Ramagiri. See No. 2, line 14.

5 Some scholars say that Rudrasena II had three sons, viz., Divakarasena, Damodarasena and
Pravarasena, who ruled one after another. H.C.I.P., Vol. HI, p. 181. But we have no records of
Damodarasena as we have those of Divakarasena and Pravarasena. Again, if Damodarasena was differ-
ent from Pravarasena II it is strange that the title Vdkdtakdndm Maharajah should not have been prefixed
to the name of the latter in the Riddhapur plates, though he was reigning at the. time.

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

gupta II, and thus placed Vakataka genealogy on a sound basis. Unlike other charters
of the Vakatakas, this grant is inscribed in nail-headed characters and in its initial portion
gives the genealogy of the Guptas and not of the Vakatakas. This clearly indicates that
Gupta influence was predominant at the Vakataka court during the regency of Prabhavati-
gupta.i Chandragupta II had evidently sent some of his trusted officers and statesmen
to assist his daughter in governing her kingdom. One of these was the famous Sanskrit poet
Kalidasa, who seems to have stayed at the Vakataka court for some time. He composed his
world-famous lyric Meghaduta probably during his sojourn in Vidarbha; for, he describes
therein Ramagiri2 as the place of the exiled Yaksha’s residence. This place, as already
stated, is undoubtedly identical with Ramtek near Nagpur. His graphic description of the
six-year old Sudarsana in the 18th canto of the Raghuvama was probably suggested by what
he saw of the boy prince Divakarasena at the Vakataka capital.

Divakarasena also seems to have been short-lived. He was succeeded in circa 420 a.c.
by his brother Damodarasena, who, on his accession, assumed the name Pravarasena of his
illustrious ancestor. Several grants of this prince have come down to us. They record
his donations of fields or villages in the modern districts of Amaravati, Wardha, Nagpur,
Betul, Chhindwada, Bhandara and Balaghat in Vidarbha and Madhya Pradesh. The
latest of these grants is dated in the 29th regnal year. Pravarasena H had therefore a long
reign of about thirty years from circa 420 A.c. to 450 a.c.

Pravarasena II continued to reign from the old capital Nandivardhana till his 11th
regnal year; for, his BelSra plates^ dated in that year were issued from that city. Thereafter,
he founded a new city which he named Pravarapura after himself and shifted his seat of
government there. The earliest grant made at Pravarapura is dated in the 18th regnal
year'^, which shows that this change of the capital must have occurred some time between
the 11th and 18th regnal years. Pravarapura is probably identical with Pavnar near
Wardha in the Wardha District of Vidarbha.

Pravarasena II was a devotee of iSambhu, by whose grace he is said to have establish-
ed on earth the reign of the Krita-yuga or Golden Age. He was a very liberal king; for
more than a dozen grants of his reign have been discovered so far. Having come into
contact with such a great poet as Kalidasa, he naturally acquired a taste for poetic composi-
tion. Some of his Sanskrit verses are preserved in Sanskrit anthologies. Several Prakrit
gathds composed by him have been included in the Gdthdsaptasati. Though himself a l§aiva,
he composed the Prakrit kdvya Setubandha in glorification of Rama, probably at the instance
of his mother Prabhavatigupta.5 He began to compose this kdvya soon after he came
to the throne® and evidently received considerable help in its composition from his friend
Kalidasa. 2 This kdvya has been highly eulogised by Sanskrit poets and rhetoricians.

1 Prabharatigupta repeated the same genealogy in her later Riddhapur grant also. She was evidently
more proud of her Gupta descent than of her marriage in the Vakataka family.

2 For the location of Ramagiri, see my article in M. U.J., No. IX, pp. 9 f. Also S.I. , Vol. I,pp. 12 f.

3 No. 5, line 29.

^No. 6, line 60.

3 Pravarasena II’s authorship of the Setubandha is doubted on the ground that ‘while the theme of
the kavya is Vaishnava, the king was a devotee of Siva \ Vol. Ill, p. 84. The argument

has little force. We might as well doubt Kalidasa’s authorship of the Raghuvamsa on the ground that
he was a Saiva.

^Cf. Setubandha^ canto I, v. 9.

^According toRamadasa, a commentator of the Setubandha ^ the kavya was composed by Kalidasa
for the sake of Pravarasena by the order of Maharajddhiraja Vikramaditya. It is not, however, likely
that Kalidasa actually composed the kavya^ though he may have revised it.

THE MAIN BRANCH

XXV

Pravarasena built a magnificant temple of Ramachaiidra at Pravarapura w hen tlie capital
was shifted there. This also was evidently done at the instance of his mother who was a
worshipper of that god. Some beautiful panels which decorated the temple ha\ e recently
been found in e.xcavations at Pavnar.

Narendrasena, who succeeded his father Pravarasena II in circa 450 a.c., is known
from the unfinished Balaghat plates^ of his son. His feudatory Bharatabala also makes
a covert reference to him in his Bamhani plates. ^ The Balaghat plates state that he
enticed the ancestral fortune by means of the confidence which he had created by his already
acquired noble qualities. This was taken to mean that there was some tiouble about his
succession. Dr. Kielhorn thought that he might have superseded his elder brother.^ It
has also been suggested that there was a division of the kingdom bet\\een Narendrasena
and his brother whose name is lost in the inscription in Ajanta Cave X\T.'^^ This view
is now proved to be untenable as the princes mentioned in the Ajanta inscription belonged
to the Vatsagulma branch. There is no clear indication of a disputed succession in this
period, the description in the Balaghat plates being only a poetic way of stating that
Narendrasena attracted royal fortune by his noble qualities.

Narendrasena married Ajjhitabhattarika, a princess of Kuntala. She probably belong-
ed to the Rashtrakuta family of Manapura, which was ruling over the Southern Maratha
Country, comprising the Satara, Kolhapur and Sholapur Districts of the iVIaharashtra State.
The Pandarangapalli plates discovered in a village near Kolhapur describe Manahka, the
founder of the family, as the ruler of the prosperous Kuntala country.^ This royal family
appears to have wielded considerable power and sometimes came into conflict ^vith the
Vatsagulma branch of the Vakataka family. During the time of Chandragupta II it
came under the sphere of Gupta influence and, as tradition says, its government was
carried on under the direction of the Gupta Emperor. Kalidasa, the famous Sanskrit poet,
was sent as an ambassador to the court of the contemporary Kuntala king who was probably
Devaraja. Ajjhitabhattarika, married by Narendrasena, may have been the daughter of
Devaraja’s son Avidheya, mentioned in the Pandarangapalli plates, \vho flourished in circa
440-455 A.c.

Narendrasena followed an aggressive policy in the east and the north. The Balaghat
plates of his son Prithivishena II state that he had, by his prowess, subjugated the enemies
and that his commands were honoured by the lords of Kosala, Mekala and Malava.^ Of
these countries, Malava had till then been under the direct administration of the Guptas
since the overthrow of the 5\ cstern Kshatrapas. About the middle of the fifth century .a..c.,

* No. 18, line 30.

2 No. 19, lines 31-34.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 269.

‘^'S. K. Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 132.

5D. C. Sircar interprets the expression srimat-Kuntaldndm prasdsitd in these plates as ‘the chastiser
of the prosperous Kuntalas ’ and makes Manahka not the ruler but the vanquisher of the Kuntala
country. He further identifies the Kuntalas with the Kadambas of the Kanarese country. H.C.I.P.,
Vol. Ill, p. 200. It is difficult to accept these views. As I have shown elsewhere, the root prasds,
whenused with the name of a country,usually means to rule and when used with persons, it means to chastise.
That this was the intended meaning is also clear from the contrast in the two expressions sa-Vidarbh-
Aimaka-vifetd and srimat-Kuntaldndm prasdsitd used in the plates to describe Mananka. The Dasakumdra-
charita, in its eighth uchchhvdsa, mentions the ruler of Kuntala separately from that of Vanavasi. This
shows clearly that the ruler of Kuntala did not belong to the Kadamba family which held Vanavasi
(modern Banavasi in North Kanada).

6 No. 18, line 27-28.

XXVI

INTRODUCTION

the Gupta empire was convulsed by the invasions of the Hunas and though Skandagupta
fought bravely to stem the tide of these invasions, there was a feeling of unrest and uncertainty
in the land. This is indicated by the statement in the Mandasor inscription of V. 529
that in the short period of 36 years (between V. 493 and V. 529) several princes held the
country of Dasapura.^ The recently published Mandasor inscription of V. 524 also states
that Prabhakara, a feudatory of the Guptas ruling at Dasapura, had to fight with several
enemies of his lord.^ Some of these may have sided with the Vakataka Narendrasena and
sought his help in throwing off the Gupta yoke. What success Narendrasena achieved
ultimately in extending the sphere of his influence to Malwa is not known.

Mekala is the country near Amarakantak, where the Narmada, called Mekala-sutd,
takes its rise. Before the rise of the Guptas this country was included in the dominion of
the Maghas, which extended from Fatehpur in the north to Bandhogadh in the south.®
After overthrowing them Samudragupta annexed the fertile territory of the Vatsa country
and parcelled out the hilly tract of Baghelkhand among a number of feudatories such as the
ParivTajakas, Uchchakalpas and Pandavas. The last of these appear to have previously
owed allegiance to the Magha kings. An inscription at Bandhogadh mentions Rdjan
Vaisravana and his father Mahdsendpati Bharatabala, who probably belonged to the Pandava
lineage and were feudatories and army commanders of the Maghas. Later, they transferred
their allegiance to the Guptas.^ The Bamhani plates® of the Pandavavariisi king Bhatabala
alias Indra give the following genealogy of the prince — Jayabala, his son Vatsaraja, his son
Nagabala, and his son Bharatabala. The first two of these were probably feudatories of the
Guptas. Nagabala, who seems to have come to the throne when the Gupta empire was
tottering owing to the onslaughts of the Hunas, first assumed the title of Mahdrdja, indicative
of his rising power and prestige. He formed a matrimonial alliance with the ruler of Kosala
(modern Chhattisgadh) by getting the latter’s daughter Lokapraka^ married to his son
Bharatabala.6 She was probably a daughter of the king Bhimasena I, mentioned in the
Arang plates^ of his grandson Bhimasena II, dated G. 182 (501-2 A.C.). Bharatabala,
who flourished in circa 460-480 a.c., makes a veiled reference to his suzerain, the Vakataka
Narendrasena. He appears to have transferred his allegiance from the Guptas to the
Vakatakas. This confirms the statement in the Balaghat plates that the commands of
Narendrasena were honoured by the ruler of Mekala.

Kosala is of course of Dakshina Kdsala or Chhattisgadh, comprising the modern districts
of Durg, Raipur and Bilaspur. As we have seen above, Mahendra, who was ruling over
this country in the fourth centuiy a.c., was defeated by Samudragupta and forced to
acknowledge his supremacy. His successors used the Gupta era in token of their submission
to the Guptas. As the Gupta power was tottering about this time, the ruler of this countr}^
also may have submitted to the Vakatakas. The aforementioned Arahg plates of Bhimasena II,
dated in G. 182 (501-2 a.c.) show that his family had been ruling over Kosala for at

IC././., Vol. Ill, p. 83.

2£^. Ind., Vol. XXVTI, p. 15.

3For coins of the Maghas found in the Fatehpur District, see J.N.S.L, Vol. II, pp. 95 f. Several
stone inscriptions of the Maghas have been found at Bandhogadh, Ginja and Kosam.

^For a fuller discussion of this matter see my article ‘ The Pandava Dynasty of Mekala ’ in the
Silver Jubilee Volume of the Indian Historical Research Institute, pp. 268 f
®No. 19.

^Ibid., line 30.

TEp. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 342 f.; Vol. XXVI, pp. 227 f.

THE MAIN BRANCH

XXVll

least six generations. Narendrasena's contemporary may have been Bhimasena I.
Narendrase^na may also have annexed the Anupa country, the capital of which was
Mahishmati, modern Maheshvar, when he extended his suzrerainty to Malwa.^

Narendrasena, who was probably a grown up man at the time of his accession, 2
may have had a reign of about 20 years (450-470 a.c.). Towards the end of his reign the
Vakataka territory was invaded by the Nala king Bhavadattavarman. According to
the Purdnas,^ the Nalas ruled over the Kosala country. This statement is corroborated by
the find-spots of their inscriptions and coins. Gold coins of three kings of the Nala family,
Varaha, Bhavadattavarman and Arthapati have been found at Edehga in the Kdndegaon
tahsil of the Bastar District of Madhya Pradesh."^ Of these Varaha was the earliest. He
may have been defeated by Narendrasena and forced to pay tribute. His son Bhavadatta-
varman seems to have taken revenge. He invaded the Vakataka territory and pressed
as far as Nandivardhana, the erstwhile capital of the Vaka takas, w'hich he occupied for some
time. A copper-plate inscription discovered at Riddhapur in the Amaravati District records
the grant of a village in the Yeotmal District which the king Bhavadatta had made at the
holy tirtha of Prayaga (Allahabad) for the religious merit of himself and his wife.^ The
plates were actually issued by his son® Arthapati from Nandivardhana. This inscription
clearly show^s that a considerable portion of the Vakataka dominion was occupied by the
Nalas.

The Vakatakas also admit this disaster to their arms. The Balaghat plates state that
Prithivishena II, the son of Narendrasena, raised his sunken family.^ At this time he seems
to have been forced to move to the east and fix his capital at Padmapura, modern Padam-
pur near Amgaon in the Bhandara District, from where an unfinished Vakataka plate was
intended to be issued.® Prithivishena consolidated his power at this capital and after
a time drove the enemy from his ancestral country. He even carried the war into the
enemy’s territory and stormed and devastated his capital Pushkarl, as admitted in an inscrip-
tion of Arthapati’s brother Skandavarman found at Podagadh in the Vizagapatam District.^

It is not known whether Prithivishena II continued to rule from Padmapura or
again shifted his capital to some other place in Vidarbha. In any case Padmapura retained
its importance for a long time; for, it attracted learned Brahmanas like Gopala, an ancestor
of the famous Sanskrit dramatist Bhavabhuti, wTo performed the Vajapeya and other
sacrifices there. In his plays Bhavabhuti mentions Padmapura situated in Vidarbha as
the home of his ancestors.*®

Prithivishena II soon retrieved his position in the north also and even pressed farther
than his father. Two stone inscriptions of his feudatory Vyaghradeva, who explicitly
acknowledges his suzerainty, have been discovered at Nachna and Ganj in the former Vindhya

* The Dasakumdracharita, eighth uchchhvasa, shows that Mahishmati w^as included in the dominion
of the Vakatakas about this time.

-His father Pravarasena II had a Ion? reien of about 30 years.

^D.K.A., p. 51.

^J.N.S.I., Vol. I, pp. 29 f.

5£/». Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 100 f.

® Arthapati was the son, not the grandson, of Bhavadattavarman as supposed by Dr. D. C. Sircar,
See Ind Hist. Quart., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 142 f.

7 No. 18, line 33.

®No. 17, line 1.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, p. 156.

*®For the identification of Padmapura, see Ind. Hist. Qiiart., Vol. XI, pp, 287 f. Also S. /., Vol. I,
pp. 21 f.

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

Pradesh.* This Vyaghradeva probably belonged to the Uchchakalpa dynasty; for, several
records of this dynasty mentioning his name have been found in the Nagod District. As
Jayanatha, the son of Maharaja Vyaghra was ruling from circa G. 170 to G. 190 (490 to
510 a.c.),2 Vyaghradeva may be referred to the period from 470 to 490 a.g. He was
thus a contemporary of Prithivishena II. The Uchchakalpa kings were previously the
feudatories of the Guptas, whose era they used. When the power of the Guptas declined in
the second half of the fifth century a.c., they seem to have transferred their allegiance to
the V^akatakas.

Unlike most of his ancestors, Prithivishena II was a worshipper of Vishnu; for, he is
described as parama-bhdgavata in the Balaghat plates. ^ He is the last known member of
this senior branch of the Vakataka dynasty He may have closed his reign in 490 a.c.
After him, the kingdom was probably annexed by Harishena of the Vastagulma branch,
who made extensive conquests in all directions.

Thus ended this senior branch of the Vakataka dynasty after a glorious rule of about
160 years {circa 330 - 490 a.c.). It produced a series of illustrious kings who were capable
rulers of men, wise administrators, and liberal patrons of learning and art. No lithic
monuments of their age have survived in Northern Vidarbha, but the few panels that have
recently been brought to light at Pavnar show the excellence of the plastic art of the time.
Their age was equally distinguished in literature. Two kdvyas, the Meghaduta and the
Setubandha, — the former in Sanskrit and the latter in Prakrit — have immortalised it. Manv
other Sanskrit \\ orks which gave the Vaidarbhi riti the place of eminence among all ritis must
have been composed during this period, but they have all passed into oblivion.

iNos. 20-22,

2His grants are dated G. 174 and G. 177. Vol. Ill, pp. 117 f.

^No. 18, line 34.

CHAPTER \l

THE VATSAGULMA BRANCH

T he existence of this branch \vas unknown till the discovery of the Basim plates in 1939.
Several members of it were indeed mentioned in the inscription in Cave XVI
at Ajanta, but owing to a sad mutilation of the record, their names were misread.
These names have since been restored and it has been conclusively shown that the princes who
ruled the country to the south of the Indhyadri range belonged to a different branch of the
Vakataka family.

The founder of this branch was Sarvasena mentioned in both the Basim plates and
the Ajanta inscription as a son of Pravarasena L He was presumably one of his younger
sons. The country under his rule seems to have stretched south of the Indhyadri range up
to the bank of the Godavari. In the establishment of his authority over this territorv he
appears to have received considerable help from his minister Ravi, the son of the Brahmana
Soma from a Kshatriya wife.^ Ravi’s descendants became the hereditary ministers of the
\ aka taka kings of Vatsagulma and served them faithfully for sev^eral generations.

Sarvasena selected Vatsagulma, modern Basim in the Akola District of Vidarbha,
for his capital. This was an ancient city. The country round it called Vatsagulmaka is
mentioned in the Kdmasutra of Vatsyayana. Vatsagulma was regarded as a holy iirtha
and according to a local Mdhdtmya it was so called because the sage Vatsa, by his austerities,
made an assemblage of gods come down and settle in the vicinity of his hermitage.- In
the \ akataka age it became a great centre of learning and culture, and gave its name
Vachchhomi to the best poetic style. ^

From the Basim plates we learn that Sarvasena continued the title Dharmamahdrdja
which his father Pravarasena I had assumed in accordance with the custom in South
India. The description that the Ajanta inscription giv'CS of him is conv entional. Sarvasena
is, however, known as the author of the Prakrit kdvya Harivijaya^ which has been eulogised
by Sanskrit poets and rhetoricians.'^ He also composed many Prakrit gdthds^ some of which
hav^e been included in the tvTlhknown Prakrit anthology Gdthdsaptasatu He may be
referred to the period 330-355 a.c.

Sarvasena was followed by Vindhyasena, called Vindhyasakti ill) in the Basim
plates. He pursued a more vigorous policy and defeated the lord of Kuntala, who was his
southern neighbour. As stated before, a Rashtrakuta family rose into prominence just about
this time. Manahka, its founder, made considerable conquests and annexed the territory
to the south of the Godav’arl,^ which was prev iously ruled by one of the sons Prav^arasena I.

1 No. 26, line 7.

2 The Jayamahgaldy a commentary on Vatsyayana's Kamasutra, gives another derivation of this
place-name. According to it, Vatsa and Gulma were two princes of Dakshinapatha. The country
settled by them came to be known as Vatsagulmaka. The Brihatkathd also mentions Vatsa and Gulma
who were sons of a Brahmana and maternal uncles of Gunadhya, but it does not state that they founded
a city named Vatsagulma. See BrihatkathdmahjarT, 1, 3, 4, and Kathdsaritsdgara, I, 6, 9.

^Vatsagulma retained its importance as a centre of learning and culture for a long time; for Raja-
sekhara describes it as the pleasure resort of the god of love, where the mythical Kavyapurusha married
Sahityavidya. It was probably the native place of Rajasekhara. C././., Vol. IV, pp. clxxw f.

See below, Chapter X.

5 See my article ‘The Rashtrakutas of Manapura’ in A.B.OM,L, Vol. XXV, pp. 36 f.; 5./., Vol. I,
pp. 178 f.

XXX

INTRODUCTION

In an inscription of his descendants, Manahka is described as the ruler of the prosperous
Kuntala country and as the conqueror of Asmaka and Vidarbha.^ Manahka founded
the city of Manapura which became the capital of these Early Rashtrakutas. This Mana-
pura is probably identical with Man, the chief town of the Man taluka of the Satara District
in the Maharashtra State.

Manahka was thus ruling over the Southern Maratha country. His kingdom was
contiguous to those of Asmaka and Vidarbha. Asmaka lay along the bank of the Godavari
and comprised the Ahmadnagar and Bhir Districts of Maharashtra. The ruler of
Asmaka was probably a feudatory oTthe Vakatakas.

From the palaeographical evidence afforded by the grants of his successors Manahka
seems to have flourished towards the close of the fourth century a.c. He was thus a
contemporary of Vindhyasena. As both Manahka and Vindhyasena claim a victory
over each other, neither of them appears to have emerged completely victorious from this
war. During the reign of Manahka’s successor Devaraja, however, the kingdom of Kuntala
came under the sphere of the influence of the Guptas; for, its government was carried on
under the direction of Chandragupta II. 2 It therefore ceased to be a menace to the
Vatsagulma Vakatakas.

Vindhyasena made the Basim grant in the 37th regnal year. The plates were issued
from the royal capital Vatsagulma, and register the grant of a village situated in the territorial
division of Nandikata, modern Nanded in the Maharashtra State. The genealogical portion
of the grant is written in Sanskrit and the formal portion in Prakrit, which shows how the
classical language was gradually asserting itself Vindhyasena, like his father and grand-
father, assumed the title Dharmamahdraja. His minister Pravara is mentioned in the
Ghatotkacha cave inscription. Vindhyasena was probably a contemporary of Prithivishena
I, and, like the latter, may have closed his reign about 400 a.c.

Vindhyasena was followed by his son Pravarasena II, about whom little is known.
The Ajanta inscription states that he became exalted by his excellent, powerful and
liberal rule. He seems to have had a short reign (400-415 a.c.); for when he died, his son
was only eight years old. His minister Sri-Rama is mentioned in the Ghatotkacha cave
inscription.

The name of this boy prince, who is said to have ruled well, is lost in the Ajanta inscrip-
tion. His minister was Kirti. He was succeeded in circa 450 A.c. by his son Devasena,
whose fragmentary copper-plate inscription discovered somewhere in South Berar has since
then been deposited in the British Museum. 3 This plate also was issued from Vatsagulma,
which shows that the place continued to be the royal capital to the last.

Devasena had a very righteous and capable minister named Hastibhoja. He looked
after the affairs of the State and pleased all subjects. Devasena entrusted the government of

ID. C. Sircar takes \4darbha and Asmaka in the expression ja- descriptive
of the Rashtrakuta Manahka as referring to ‘the Vakatakas of Berar’ and ‘the Vakatakas of Vatsagulma’
respectively. This view cannot be accepted; for the country round Vatsagulma also was included in
Vidarbha as explicitly stated by Rajasekhara. This is also corroborated by the statement in the
Ganesapurdna that Kadambapura (modem Kalamb in the adjoining Yeotmal District) was included in
Vidarbha. See Ind. Hist, ^art., Vol. XXIII, pp. 320 f.; S.I., Vol. II, p. 164 f.

2 See the tradition mentioned in several ancient Sanskrit works that Kalidasa was sent as an
ambassador to the court of Kuntalesa. He reported to his master that the lord of Kuntala was spending
his days in enjoyment leaving the governing of the kingdom to the care of Chandragupta. See
A.B.O.R.I., Vol. XXV, pp. 45 f.; S.I., Vol. I, pp. 186 f

3 No. 24.

THE VATSAGULMA BRANCH

XXXI

liis kingdom to liim and gave himself up to the enjoyment of pleasures. i Hastibhoja is
eulogised in the Ajanta and Ghatotkacha cave inscriptions which were caused to be incised
by his son Varahadeva.

Devasena was succeeded in circa 475 a.c. by his son Harishena, who is the last
known king of this line. He was a brave and ambitious prince and carried his victorious
arms in all directions. Unfortunately the Ajanta inscription, 2 which in lines 14-15
describes his conquests, is very sadly mutilated; but the extant portion mentions several
countries which he had either overrun or forced to pay tribute. These countries lay in
all the four directions of \4darbha, viz., Avanti (Malwa) in the north, Kosala
(Chhattisagadh), Kalihga (between the Mahanadi and the Godavari), Andhra (between
the Gddavari and the Krishna) in the east. Lata (Central and Southern Gujarat) and
Trikuta (Nasik District) in the west, and Kuntala (Southern Maratha Country) in the
south. It would thus seem that Harishena became the undisputed suzerain of the entire
country extending from Malwa in the North to Kuntala in the south and from the Arabian
sea in the west to the Bay of Bengal in the east.

Harishena’s conquests do not seem to have resulted in the permanent annexation of tins
vast territory. The rulers of these countries were probably allowed to retain their respective
kingdoms on condition of regular payment of tribute. Harishena' s subjugation of Malwa
plainly shows that he had already incorporated the kingdom of the senior branch into his
own dominion. In Kalinga and Andhra Harishena’s incursions seem to have led to the
establishment of new royal families; for, just about this time in 498 a.c. the Gahga era
was started marking the foundation of a new power in Kalihga. 3 In Andhra Harishena
appears to have supplanted the contemporary Salahkayana king and given the kingdom to the
Vishnukundin king Govindavarman. The latter’s son Madhavavarman I married a Vaka-
taka princess'* who may have been Harishena’s own daughter. In Kosala or Chhattisgadh
also we find that the old family mentioned in the Arahg plates was supplanted by the
kings of Sarabhapura.5 That Harishena’s suzerainty was recognised in the west beyond
the confines of Vidarbha is shown by the inscription which a ruler of Rishika (modern
Khandesh) has left in Cave XVII at Ajanta.*^ In the south the Rashtrakuta king of
Kuntala continued to rule his kingdom for a long time after submission to the Vakataka
king. Harishena probably ruled from circa 475 to 500 a.c.

Harishena had a pious, liberal and capable minister named Varahadeva, who was loved
alike by the king and his subjects. He was the son of the aforementioned Hastibhoja
who had served Devasena. Varahadeva was a devout Buddhist. He caused Cave XVI
at Ajanta to be excavated and decorated with sculptures and picture galleries. The
inscription^ which he caused to be incised on its wall is our chief source of information

*This description was taken by K.P. Jayaswal to mean that Devasena abdicated in favour of his son
Harishena; but verses 12-16 of the inscription convey no such idea. The inscription is merely intended
to glorify Hastibhoja, to whom Devasena consigned the cares of government. Similar statements occur
in some other records also. They are not to be taken literally.

2No. 25.

3For the epoch of the Gahga era see my article in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVI, pp. 325 f.; S.I., Vol. II,
pp. 1 10 f.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 103 f.

^For the dates of the kings of Sarabhapura, see Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute,
Vol. VIII, pp. 47 f.; S.I., Vol. I, pp. 231 f.

6No. 27.

^No. 25.

xxxu

INTRODUCTION

for the history of this Vatsagulma branch. He caused also the Ghatotkacha cave at
Gulwada, a few miles from Ajanta, to be excavated and decorated, where he has left an
inscription,^ describing his ancestors.

Harishena is the last known king of this line. He may have been followed by one or
two other princes, but even their names have not come down to us. In any case the dynasty
seems to have been overthrown by circa 550 a.c. by the Katachchuris or Kalachuris of
Mahishmati. The coins of Krishnaraja, who heads the genealogical list in early Kalachuri
grants have been found all over the country extending from Vidisa in the north to Nasik and
Karhad in the south and from Bombay in the west to the Districts of Amaravati and Betul in
the east. This Kalachuri king seems therefore to have reared his Empire over the ruins of the
Vakataka dominion. Svamiraja whose plates dated in the Kalachuri year 322 (573-74 a.c.)
were issued from Nandivardhana was probably a feudatory of the Kalachuri Krishnaraja.

The causes which led to the sudden disintegration of the mighty Vakataka Empire
have not been recorded in history, but Dandin’s Damkumdracharita, which was written
within about a hundred and twenty-five years after the fall of the Yakatakas, appears to have
preserved a living tradition about the last period of Vakataka rule. This Sanskrit work in
its last chapter called Visrutacharita narrates the adventures of Visruta, one of the Kumdras
who were followers of Rajavahana, son of Rajaharhsa, the dethroned king of Magadha.2

The narrative points to the existence of a large southern empire. The emperor ruled
directly over Vidarbha which comprises the Marathi-speaking districts of the former Madhya
Pradesh and the Hyderabad State. Vidarbha had a number of feudatory kingdoms, viz.
Kuntala (Southern Maharashtra), Asmaka (the countiv^ on the southern bank of the
Godavari), Rishika (Khandesh), Murala (country near the G‘^davari), Nasikya (Nasik
District) and Konkana. The Empire thus extended from the Narmada in the north to the
Tungabhadra in the south and from the Arabian Sea in the West to at least the
Wainganga in the east. A young prince succeeded to this large empire after the death
of his illustrious father. This prince, though intelligent and accomplished in all arts, neglect-
ed the study of the science of politics. His father’s old minister counselled him again and
again to apply himself to the study of the dandaniti, but he, coming under the influence of
his licentious courtier, treated the advice with contempt, gave himself up to the enjoyment
of pleasures and indulged in all kinds of vices, neglecting the affairs of the State. His
subjects imitated him and led a vicious and dissolute life. Consequently, disorder and
lawlessness became rampant in the kingdom. Finding tlfis a suitable opportunity, the
crafty ruler of the neighbouring Asmaka country, sent his minister’s son to the court of
Vidarbha. The latter ingratiated himself with the king and egged him on in his dissolute
life. He also contrived to decimate his forces by various means. Ultimately, when the
country was thoroughly disorganised, the ruler of Asmaka instigated the king of Vanavasi
(modern Banavasi in North Kanada District) to invade the kingdom of Vidarbha.
The latter advanced with a large force and occupied some portion of Southern
Vidarbha. The young Emperor of Vidarbha then mobilised his forces and called all feuda-
tories to his aid. Among those who rallied under his banner were, besides the treacherous
prince of Asmaka, the rulers of Kuntala, Murala, Rishika, Nasikya and Konkana. Aided
by these feudatories, the Emperor of Afidarbha decided to give battle to the enemy on the
bank of the Varada (modem Wardha). The ruler of Asmaka, however, secretly conspired

1 No, 26.

2 For a summary of the narrative and detailed discussion of the historical data furnished by it,
see my article in A.B.O.R.I., Vol. XXVI, pp. 20 f.; SJ., Vol. I, pp. 165 f.

THE \'ATSAGULMA BRANCH xxxiii

with the king of Kuntala and caused disaft'eclion among other feudatories also. They
treacherously attacked their suzerain in the rear, while he was fighting with the in\'ading
forces of the king of \’anavasi. The emperor was killed in the battle. The cunning
Asmaka king then contrived to cause dissenssions among the feudatories also. They
fought among themselves for the spoils of the war and destroyed one another. He then
appropriated the whole booty and, giving some part of it to the invader, induced him to
return to Vanavasi, and himself annexed the kingdom of \’idarbha. In the meanwhile
the old faithful minister of Vidarbha safely escorted the queen of \ddarbha with her two
small children — a prince and a princess — to Alahishmatl, where the late emperor’s half-
brother was reigning. The latter made advances to the widowed queen, but was repulsed
by her. He then w anted to kill the little prince of \ddarbha, but w as himself murdered b)-
Visrula, who espoused the latter’s cause and placed him on the throne of Mahishmatl.

The narrative ends abruptly here. So w'e do not know whether the boy-pidnce ultimately
succeeded in ousting the ruler of Asmaka from Vddarbha and regaining his ancestral throne.

The narrative seems to reflect faithfully the actual political conditions in
Vidarbha in the period which followed the death of Harishena in circa 500 .\.c. In later
centuries the centre of imperial power in the Deccan shifted successively to Mahishmatl,
BadamI, Manyakheta and Kalyana, but it was never in Vidarbha. Some of the geographical
names also went out of use in later times. One such instance is that of Rishika. This
country is mentioned in the Mahdbhdrata, Rdmdyana and Brihatsamliitd and in the Nasik
cave inscription of Pulumavi, but it is unknown to later works and inscriptions^ All these
indications point to the sixth century a.c. as the age in which the incidents described in
the Visrutacharita happened. Dandin, whose ancestors originally belonged to \fidarbha,
had evidently reliable sources of information^, as he gives details about the kingdoms
flourishing in the period which are substantiated in all material points by contemporary
inscriptional evidence. His narrative clearly shows that the great A’akataka empire which
once extended from beyond the Narmada in the north to the Tungabhadra in the south
suddenly crumbled to pieces owing to the incompetence of Harishena’s successor and the
treacherous defection of his feudatories. As Dandin’s narrative ends abruptly, \vc do not
know 'whether Harishena’s grandson regained the throne of Vidarbha with external aid. He
may have succeeded in doing so with the assistance of the Vishnukundin Aladhavavarman I,
the mightiest king of the age, who was ruling over .A,ndhra and who is credited with the
performance of eleven .-^svamedhas. The latter had married a \’akataka princess who
was probably Harishena’s own daughter. But the Vakataka prince could not evidently have
retained his hold over Vidarbha for a long time; for, as we have already seen, the Kalachuri
Krishnaraja, who in the meanwhile had established himself at Mahishmati, extended his
sway over Vidarbha as well as over Northern Maharashtra by 550 a.c. The Somavam&,
Gahgas and Vishnukundins asserted their independence in the east, while the Rashtrakutas
must have gradually gained strength in the south. Thus disappeared the last vestiges of
Vakataka power after a glorious rule of nearly 300 years.

‘See A.B.O.R.I., Vol. XX\y pp. 167 f.

2 According to the Avantisundarikatkd. and the Avantisundankathasara, Dandin was the great-grandson
of the Sanskrit poet Damodara who originally hailed from Achalapura and was later patronised by the
Gahga king Durvinita and the Pallava king Simhavishnu. Damodara must therefore have lived in the
last quarter of the sixth century, a.c. His great-grandson Dandin can consequently be referred to the
third quarter of the seventh century a.c. Dandin thus appears to have flourished about a hundred
and twenty-five years after the fall of the Vakatakas. It is therefore not unlikely that he had fairly
reliable information about the closing period of the \’akataka age.

CHAPTER VII

ADMINISTRATION

T he country' under the direct rule of the two branches of the Vakataka dynasty
extended roughly from the Narmada in the north to the valley of the GSdavari in the
south and from the eastern boundary of Rishika (Khandesh) in the west to the western
boundary of Dakshina Kosala (Chhattisgadh) in the east. This vast territory was divided
into a number of rdshtras, also called rdjjas, corresponding to the modern Commissioners’
Divisions, some of which find a mention in our records. ^Ve have thus the Pakkana
rdshtra mentioned in the Belora plates the Bhojakata rdjja in the Chammaka plates^
Varuchha rdjya in the Pandhurna plates^ and the Arammi rdjja in the Dudia and Pandhurna
plates.^ In the l ecords of contemporary feudatory families, whose kingdoms were compara-
tively smaller, the rdshtras were named after the directions in which they were situated.
Thus we find the Uttara rdshtra or Northern Division mentioned in the BamhanI plates of
the Pandavavaihsi king Bharatabala^, and the Purva rdshtra or Eastern Division named
in the Arang plates of Maha-Jayaraja® and the Raipur plates of Maha-Sudevaraja^. No
such divisions are, however, noticed in the Vakataka grants. The rdshtjas were next divided
into a number of vishayas or districts. This appears clear from the statement in the Bamhani
plates that the Pahchagarta vishaya in which the donated village was situated was included
in the Uttara rdshtra (division) of Mekala.^ The names of vishayas generally ended in
kata or kataka. Four such vishayas are named in our records viz. Bhojakata comprising
roughly the territory of the modern Amaravati District^, Bennakata corresponding to the
modern Bhandara and Balaghat Districts lO, Nahgarakataka, the exact location of which is
uncertain**, and Nandikata which comprised the territory round modern Nanded in the
Maharashtra State*^. When a vishaya was too large, it was divided into parts which were
named after the directions in ^vhich they were situated. We thus find the apara-patta or
western division of the Bennakata mentioned in the Tirodi plates *3. The vishayas were
further sub-divided into dhdras and bhogas or bhuktis. Only one dhdra viz. the Supratishtha
dhdra is mentioned in our records**^. It seems to have comprised parts of the modem
Hihganghat, Warbda and Yeotmal tahsils of Vidarbha. The relation of dhdra to bhbga is not
known. Our records mention three bhogas viz. Bennakarparabhoga*^, Lohanagarabhoga*®

* No. 5, line 13.

2 No. 6, line 18.

3 No. 14, line 20.

^No. 10, line 13; No. 14, lines 26 and 29.

5 No. 19, line 34.

6C././., Ill, p. 193.

Ubid., p. 198.

®No. 19, lines 34-35.

^Bhojakata is said to have been founded by Ruknriin, the brother-in-law of Krishna. See
Harivama, Vishnuparvan, ch. 60, \'. 32.

*0No. 11, line 13.

**No. 24, line 2.

*2No. 23, line 5.

*3No. 11, line 13.

*^No. 2. line 10; No. 3, line 17; No. 12, line 17.

*5No. 7, line 17-18.

16xNo. 13, line 20.

ADMINISTRATION

XXXV

and Hiranyapurabhoga*, and one bhukti, viz-, Asibhukti- which was probably included
in the Pakkana rashtra. The bhogas contained cities, towns and villages^. The names of the
cities and towns generally ended nagara or pura, such as Asvatthanagara, Pravarapura,
Hirnayapura, Chandrapura, Padmapura, etc. Sometimes towns were named after the
princes who founded them. Compare Pravarapura founded by Pravarasena II. The
names of villages ended in grama (cf. Dahguna-grama, Sirshagrama, Manduki-grama,
etc.), kheta or kKetaka (cf. Varadakheta, Asv'atthahetaka), vataka (cf. Bontliikavataka,
Pavarajjavataka, etc.) or viraka (cf. Karahjaviraka, Darbhaviraka, etc.). Some territorial
divisions were named after the number of villages included in them. Such was Pravare-
svara-shadvimsati-vataka'^. It appears to have been a group of twenty-six villages which
received this name after a shrine of Siva under the name of Pravaresvara erected by
Pra\ ■arasena I.

In the earlier records of the Satavahanas, geographical names occur in Prakrit. As the
Vakatakas adopted Sanskrit for writing their charters, the names of mountains, rivers, towns
and villages are given in that classical language. It is interesting to note that the Satmala
range in which the Ajanta caves are situated is called Sahya-pdda in an inscription at Ajanta^
In some cases the names of rivers have since been changed quite out of recognition. Thus
the river Uma mentioned in the Jamb plates is now known as Wanna^. Similarly the
Madhunadi^, on the bank of which the village Charmanka (modern Chhammak) was
situated, bears now the name of Chandrabhaga. The names of the Benna^ and the
Hiranya^ mentioned in the Tirodi and ^Vadgaon plates can, however, still be recognised
in the Waingahga and Erai of modern times.

The form of gov’ernment in the Vakataka age was monarchical. The king had
supreme authority which was, however, checked considerably by the dictates ol religious
works like the Smritis. There is no reference to any Mantri-parlshad or Council of Ministers
in Vakataka grants. It is needless to say that there was no popular assembly also. Still,
the rule of kings was not despotic or oppressiv e to the people. The ideal of a Welfare State
has always been kept before Indian kings by the writers of Smritis and Arthasdstras and it has
also been preached by great Sanskrit poets like Kalidasa'*^. Many' of the Vakatakas must
have attempted to reach it. Our records are unfortunately lacking in details about the

iNo. 10, line 16.

2 No. 4, line 13 and No. 5, line 13.

^ Mdrga, which is generally translated by ‘away’, seems also to have denoted a territorial division.
The records of the Sarabhapurlya kings, which use taddhita forms from words denoting territorial divisions
(e.g. vaishayika, bhoglya etc.) contain the expression Sundarika-marglya derived from Sundarika-marga.
This shows that like vishaya and bhoga, rriarga also meant a territorial division. We have several such
divisions in Vakataka grants. See e.g. Sailapura-marga mentioned in the Belora plates (Nos. 4 and
5, line 13), Kausika-marga in the Riddhapur plates (No. 8, line 12), Gepuraka-marga in the Indore
plates (No. 9, line 8), Varadakheta-marga, in the Pattan plates (No. 13, line 20), Sundhati-marga and
Yasapura-marga in the Patna Museum plates (No. 15, lines 2 and 6), U ttara-marga (which is specifically
mentioned as situated in Nandikata) in the Basim plates (No. 23, line 5) and Uttara-marga (in Nanga-
rakataka) in the India Office plate (No. 24, line 1). Mdrga corresponds to the territorial division
pathaka mentioned in other records.

4No. 5, line 14.

5No. 27, line 23.

6No. 3, line 17.

7 No. 6, line 18.

8No. 11, line 13.

^No. 12, line 1.

10 Cf. sTsrrTT rw?nTrsrT^TrjsriTT:p;Twr^'T i f'rar ii Raghuvama. I, 24.

XXXVl

INTRODUCTION

administration of the kings, but the description they give of Prithivishena I is significant. »

He was marked out not only for his personal bravery, intelligence and political widsom but

also for such virtues as truthfulness, straightforwardness and compassion. He took pride

in being Dharmavijayin i.e. a righteous conqueror. i This means that he never waged any

war for self-aggrandisement. He conferred his gifts on worthy recipients. He strove to

follow in his life the example of Yudhishthira, the well-known Pandava king of yore, whose

name has been held in great \ eneration throughout the ages. \\ e have no account of the

lives of other kings of this dynasty, but in the absence of any evidence to the contrary we may

suppose that they also tried to rule in the same manner. Pravarasena II in particular is said

to ha\'e established Krita-Yuga (Golden Age) by his wise rule. It may also be noted

in this connection that Harishena, the last known Vakataka king, is described in an Ajanta «

inscription of his feudatory as one w ho secured the w ell-being of his subjects. ^

Unlike the Kushanas and the Guptas of North India, the Vakatakas did not assume
high-sounding titles like Shdhdnushdhi or Paramabhattdraka, Mahdrdjddhirdja, Paranusvara, etc.,^
but contented themselves with the older modest style of Mahdrdja:^ They did not also claim
any divine origin,^ but belie\ed that they owed their royal fortune to the grace of their
ishta-devatd. Thus, Rudrasena II is described as one \vhose royal fortune w’as due to
the grace of the god Chakrapani ^ Vishnu).® His son Pravarasena II is said to have obtain-
ed his weapon of §ula by the special favour of the god Sambhu (Siva).^ Their feudatories,
the Pandava kings of Mekala, howe\’er, who had come into contact with the Guptas, describe
themselves in their grants as parama-guru-devat-ddhidaivata-visesha^ i.e. highly venerable
personages, deities and supreme divinities. The)' thus claimed superhuman power. Again,
Lokaprakasa, the queen of the Pandavarhsi king Bharatabala, is described as born in a family
descended from gods.^ The Vakatakas did not claim for themselves descent fi'om any »■

god or eponymous hero, but these feudatories of Mekala proudly proclaimed their
birth in the venerable Pandava-vaihsa descended from the Moon. The contemporary
rulers of Mahakantara (modern Bastar District and the adjoining territory) similarly claim-
ed that they were descended from the king Nala of epic fame^®.

The Vakataka grants mention three kinds of feudatories, viz., (i) those who submitted
to the Emperor when they came to know of his resolve to subdue them; (ii) those who

^ Cf. No. 4, line 8; No. 6, line 10 etc. His ancestor Pravarasena I and some members of the
Vatsagulma branch assumed the title of Dharmamahdraja indicative of their piety and their support to
the Vedic religion.

2No. 27, line 21.

^C.I.L, Vol. Ill, No. 1, line 8; No. 5, lines 2-3 etc.

^It has been supposed that the title Maharaja assumed by the Vakatakas as contrasted with
Mahdrdjddhirdja mentioned in connection with the Gupta Emperors indicates the inferior political status
of the former. H.C.I.P., Vol. Ill, p. 180. It should, however, be noted that the kings of the Vatsagulma
branch had assumed the same title even before the time of Samudragupta and Chandragupta II,
when there could have been no question of subordination to the Guptas. See No. 22, line 1-3. *

Pravarasena I’s title samrdt w^as due to his performance of Vajapeya sacrifices. His title Mahdrdja
is also sometimes mentioned along with it.

5The epithet Hdritlputra applied to Pravarasena I in the Basim plates (No. 23, line 3) perhaps
originally meant ‘a son of {i.e. favoured by) the Buddhist goddess Hariti.’ Later, it came to mean a
descendant (or disciple) of the sage Hariti. Ep. Ind., Vol. VHI, p. 31; Vikramdhkadevacharita, I, 58.

®No. 3, line 13.

^No. 15, line 1.

^No. 19, line 9 and 14. The Guptas assumed the title of Paramadaivata Aho. See Ep. Ind., Vol.

XV, p. 130.

9 No. 19, line 29.

10 E/). Ind., \ ol. XIX, p. 102.

ADMINISTRATION

XXXVll

submitted on being attacked; and (iii) those who were vanquished by valourd The imperial
yoke on these feudatories must have been lighter than in North India; for, they do not
usually mention their overlords. 2 They must, of course, have been lequired to pay
tribute and to join the imperial army in all wars of offence and defence. ^

We do not get much information about the administrati\’e organization of the
Vaka takas. Unlike the grants and seals of copper-plate charters of the Guptas, the
Vakataka inscriptions do not generally mention the names of the consorts of the ruling
kings. The only exceptions known are Prabhavatiguptah the agra-rnahishi icrowned
queen) of Rudrasena II, and AjjhitabhaUarika^, the queen of Narendrasena. The former
acted as Regent for her minor son Tuvaraja Divakarasena for at least thirteen years.
Other queens do not appear to have taken any part in the administration of the kingdom.
The Tuvaraja may have assisted his father in governing the kingdom, but of this there
is no specific mention in the grants. ^

The administration of the kingdom must have been carried on with the help of a large
number of officers, civil and military, but fe\v of them find a mention in our records. The
Dahkumdracharita, which in its eighth uchchhvdsa gives us a picture of the political and social
conditions in the age of the Vakatakas, mentions the mantrin (Counsellor) and the adhyakshas
(Heads of Departments), but they are not noticed in our records. The inscription in
Ajanta Cave XVI mentions the Sachiva'^ or Minister. The officers who were appointed
to govern the rdjyas or provinces of the kingdom were known as rdjyddhikritas or Governors.
Chamidasa, mentioned in the Tirodi plates, was an officer of this rank.^ The Sarvd-
dhyaksha, who is usually mentioned in Vakataka grants,^ was probably the head of the
Secretariat. He was invested with authority to appoint subordinate officers called Kula-
pulras and direct them for the execution of royal orders. The Kidaputras had various duties.
Their primary function was of course the maintenance of law and order. For this purpose
ihev had a number of bhatas and chhdtras under them.**^ The bhatas were soldiers, \vhilc the
chhdtras, who correspond to the chdtas mentioned in some inscriptions, were policemen.
The Kidaputras, Chhdtras and bhatas, like the tahasddars and police officers of modern times,
loured in the districts for the collection of land-revenue and various taxes due to the State. '2
They could seize the treasure trove, work salt and other mines, and make village people work
free of charge for the State. They were entitled to free boarding and lodging while louring
in the districts for the work of the State. They must, no doubt, have been exacting and

1 No. 8, lines 26-27.

2 The Vakataka suzerain is explicitly mentioned in No. 27, line 21, while his name is covertly sug-
gested in No. 13, lines 32-34. The Sarabhapuriya kings, who were probably feudatories of the
Vakatakas, do not, however, name their overlords.

^ In the eighth Uchchhvdsa of the Dasakumdracharita, the feudatories of the king of \' idarbha come
to his help when he was attacked by the ruler of Wnavasl.

4 No. 2, line 9.

5 No. 18, line 31.

6 The Riddhapur plates of the Nala king Bhavadattavarman were actually granted by his son
Mahdrdja Arthapati, who was probably Tuvaraja at the time.

^No. 25, line 15.

^No. 11, line 33.

®See e.g. No. 3, line 20.

^^Loc. cit.

l*No. 19, line 37.

12 Cf. djhd-sahchdri-kulaputr-ddhikritd bhatds-chhdtrdTcha in No. 3, line 21.

13No. 3, line 26.

XXXVlll

INTRODUCTION

oppressive in iheir dealings with the village people. They were therefore expressly forbidden
to enter agrahara villages donated to Brahmanas, and could not claim from them any of
the privileges allowed to them in other places except when they had to apprehend persons
accused of high treason, the murder of a Brahmana, theft, adultery or such other heinous
crimes. So long as the donees of these land-grants did not rebel against the king and did not
commit any offence against the residents of other villages, they were free from the moles-
tations of these bhatas and Chhatras.^ The Kulaputras, bhatas and Chhdtras had therefore to be
specially informed of every land-grant made by the king.

Another officer, who is, how ever, mentioned in a solitary grant of the Vakatakas,2 ^vas
Rajuka. His name is derived from rajju ‘ a rope ’, which shows that he was originally a
Settlement Officer who measured land for the assessment of revenue. The Rajukas are
mentioned in the edicts of Asoka. In the Mauryan times they were high officers of the
State who v\'ere placed in charge of many hundred thousands of men and who could at
their discretion inflict punishment or confer a reward. They seem to have lost their high
rank in course of time; for, the rajuka is mentioned in the aforementioned Vakateka grant
only as a writer of the charter. The Rdhasika mentioned in the Bamhani plates^ was
probably the Pri\ ate Secretary^ who acted as the confidential clerk of the king.

The only militai)" and police officers mentioned in \^akataka grants are the Sendpati^
and the Dandandyaka^. The Sendpati is almost invariably named in charters of land-grants
as they were drafted in his office^. His title, like that of his lord, was a modest one. In
North India, the Guptas introduced grandiloquent titles for their civil and military officers
such as Kumdrdmdtya, Sdndhivigrahika and Mahdda 7 idandyakaJ , but the Vakatakas preferred
to continue the humbler titles of the earlier age. There were apparently frequent transfers
of officers; for, we find that the post of the Sendpati was held by different persons or by the same
person at different times during the reign of Pravarasena II. Thus, the Sendpati of the king was
Chitravarman in the 1 1th and 13th regnal years^, Bappa in the 18th and 25th years®, Nami-
dasa and Chamidasa in the 23rd year^®, Katyayana in the 27th year^fi and Madhappa in the
29th yeari2 Sometimes the order for a land-grant tv as personally given by the king and this
was indicated by the words djnd svayam (ordered personally), recorded in the charter. In other
cases the name of the Diitaka (called Ajnapti in the Basim plates) who communicated the royal
order to the Sendpati’ s office was mentioned at the end of the charter. one grant the names

of the persons who got the charter drafted are also recorded 1“^. Sometimes the name of the
goldsmith who inscribed the copper-plates was also written at the end of the grant, is

iNo. 6, line 42-43.

2 No. 9, line 34.

3 No. 19, line 48.

■^See e.g. No. 5, line 30.

5 No. 24, line 2.

i^A smriO’ verse citedin the onthe Tdjnavalkyasmriti, II, 319-20, states that the charters

were to be written by the Sdndhvigrahikd or Minister for Peace and War.

7C././., Vol. Ill, p. 10.

3 No. 5, line 30 and No. 6, line 60.

®No. 7, line 35 and No. 12, line 42.

10 No. 10, line 28 and No. 11, line 33.

11 No. 13, line 44.

12 No. 14, line 54.

13 Cf. the expression rdj-djiid-prada used in place of Diitaka in the Ponnuturu plates (line 6) of
Samantavarman. Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVII, p. 220.

i^No. 13, lines 46-47.

15 No. 13, lines 45-46; No. 19, line 49.

ADMINISTRATION

XXXIX

The Bamhani plates give the names of some village officers. ‘ The Grdmakiita was the
head of the village administration. The Drdndgrakandyaka, who also was informed of a land-
grant, may have been the head of the Dronagraka (also called Dronamukha)^, the larger
territorial division in which the donated village was included. The Devavdrika, who appa-
rently helped the Grdmakiita in the management of the village affairs, may be identical with
the Dauvdrika (or Pratihdra)^, who %vas the head of the village Police. The Gandakas were
probably not different from the bhatas or soldiers mentioned in Vakataka land-grants.
These officers and their subordinates collected land-revenue and other government dues
and maintained peace and order in the village.

■ Sources of State Revenue — Our records shed some light on the sources of royal income.
The main sources were of course the land revenue and other direct taxes. They are
mentioned as klipta and upa-klipta in Vakataka inscriptions^. Klipta, which means a fixed
assessment, is mentioned also in Kautilya’s Arthasdstra^. It probably signified the land-tax.
Upaklipta probably meant minor taxes such as are mentioned in the Alanusmriti, VII,
131-132^^. Besides these, the State claimed the right to confiscate the treasures and deposits
accidentally discovered. Digging for salt was again a royal monopoly. Salt mines existed
in Berar until recent times, Lonar (Sanskrit Lavanakara), a village in the Buldhana District
of Vidarbha, being specially noted for them. Fermenting of liquors was also a royal pre-
gorative. The village officers were authorised to collect miscellaneous taxes in kind which
are indicated by the expression pushpa-kshira-sanddha in Vakataka grants^. These were
evidently the same as those mentioned in the Mamsmriti, VII, 118, which the head the
village was authorised to collect on behalf of the king and appropriate in lieu of his pay.
The State had again the right to make people work free of wages for works of public utility.
The villagers had to provide all amenities to touring royal officers, such as grass for feeding
their horses or bullocks, hides for their seats and charcoal for their cooking^. The agrahdra
villages were exempted from all these taxes and obligations.

We have no record of any dissensions in the Vakataka family as we have in the case
of some other contemporary royal families. The administration of the Vaka takas appears
to have been very efficient and it secured peace and prosperity to their subjects. As the
inscription in Ajanta cave XVI states explicity, the ministers of the Vaka takas, by their good
government, became always dear and accessible to the people like their father, mother and
friend. They governed the country righteously, shining by their fame, religious merit and
excellences^. In describing Vidarbha as saurdjya-ramya (attractive through good government)
Kalidasa was probably paying a tribute to the excellent administration of the Vakatakas**^.

1 No. 19, line 35.

^Kautilya mentions Dronamukha as the chief village in a territorial division of 400 villages. See
Arthasdstra (second ed. by Shama Sastri), p. 46. ,

"^Pratihara, which is a synonym oi Dauvdrika, is used in this sense in the Sukraiiilisdra, II, 120-21;
170-75.

“^^See e.g. No. 3, line 28. No. 19 mentions udraiiga and uparikara and also bhdga and blioga in the
same sense.

^Arthasdstra (second ed.), p. 60.

^ I t|;tnir>Tr ^ iTTWTt ^ u

^See e.g. No. 5, line 20.

^Ibid., lines 20-21.

9 No. 25, lines 12 and 15.

Raghuvarhsa, canto V,v. 60. In v.40 of the same canto Kalidasa describes the capital of Vidarbha
as prosperous [riddha).

CHAPTER VUI

RELIGION

T here was unpiccedented religious activity in the age of the Vaka takas. The founder
of the royal family was the Grihapati Vakataka, who was a follower of Buddhism. He
went on a pilgrimage to the distant holy place of Amaravati in the Guntur District of
Andhradesa, where he has left an inscription recording his gift of a stone pillar for the
longevity of himself, his two wives, friends and relatives.^ The gift was made at the instance
of the Thera (Buddhist Bhikshu) Bddhika. The descendants of this Grihapati Vakataka changed
their religious faith and became staunch supporters of the Vedic and Puranic religion. They
were guided in this by a pious Brahmana family of V allura. This family maintained its
reputation for Vedic learning for several generations. ^ Its founder was Yajnapati, who

was probably a contemporary of the Vakataka king Vindhyasakti. His son Deva had
great influence with the ruling prince ; for, we are told that on account of him the whole
kingdom including the king engaged itself in religious activities.^ As a matter of fact, we
find a phenomenal religious activity in that age. Pravarasena I, the son of Vindhyasakti I,
who had made extensive conquests, performed a large number of Vedic sacrifices such as
four Asvamedhas and the seven Soma sacrifices including the Vajapeya.^ Thereafter we
have no record of Vedic sacrifices being performed by later Vakataka kings,5 but they must
have extended libeial patronage to learned Brahmanas and helped them in the performance
of §rauta sacrifices.® Thus, one grant of Pravarasena II records the gift of 8000 nivartanas
of land to as many as a thousand Brahmanas.^ Several other grants of this prince and his
mother as well as of some princes of the Vatsagulma branch have been discovered, which
record gifts of land and even of whole villages to learned Brahmanas.

Puranic Hinduism also received a fillip during the age of the Vakatakas. Several
temples dedicated to Hindu gods were erected throughout their dominion. Most of the
Vakataka princes were devotees of Siva. So the temples of that god must have been much
larger in number than those of other deities. Owing to paucity of inscriptions we do not,
however, notice many references to them. Pravarasena I, the great Emperor who dis-
tinguished himself by his numerous Vedic sacrifices, is known to have constructed a temple
of Siva under the name of Pravaresvara.® The territorial division of twenty-six villages in
which it was situated came to be known by its name. His grandson Rudrasena I, who
succeeded him, also constructed a dharmasthana (temple) at Chikkamburi,^ modern Chikmara
in the Chanda District, ^vhich was probably dedicated to his ishta-droata Mahabhairava.

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 267.

2 No. 26, line 8.

^Ibid., line 5.

■^See e.g. No. 3, line 1.

5 They are known to have performed GrUiya rites like the Ganayaga. The Jamb plates of
Pravarasena II record his gift to a Brahmana who is described as Gana-ydjin. No. 3, line 19.

6 Ancestors of the famous Sanskrit poet Bhavabhuti, who were learned and pious Brahmanas and
originally belonged to Udumbara, were probably invited by the Vakatakas to their capital Padniapura,
where they settled down and performed several Vedic sacrifices. See Ep. Ind., Vol. XXII, pp. 210 f.
'No. 6, line 20.

®No. 4, line 13; No. 5, line 14; No. 14, line 1. The names of Siva generally ended^in isvara and
those of Vishnu in svamin. So the temple of PravarHvara was probably dedicated to Siva.

^No. 1, line 6.

RELIGION

xli

Temples dedicated to Vishnu also were not rare. Rudrasena II, the grandson of Rudrasena
I, became a devotee of Chakrapani (Vishnu)* probably through the influence of his chief
queen Prabhavatigupta, who, like her illustrious father Ghandragupta II, was a devout
worshipper of that god. 2 She frequently visited the temple on the holy hill of Ramagiri.
situated not far from her capital, where the foot-prints of Ramachandra, an incarnation
of Vishnu, were installed. Both her knowm grants^ are made on Karttika su. di. 12, evidently
at the time of the pdrand after the completion of the fast on the preceding Prabodhini Ekddasi.
One of them specifically mentions the foot-prints of Ramagirisvamin, near which the grant
was made.4 Some other grants of her son also appear to have been made at the same place.
In one grants a half of the village donated was given by a merchant named Chandra.
There w as another famous temple at Asvatthakhetaka (modern Pattan in the Betul District) ,
in which also the object of worship was a pair of the foot-prints of Mahapurusha (Vishnu).
Pravarasena II made a munificent donation of 400 nivartanas of land for the maintenance of
the charitable feeding house {sattra) attached to the temple. 6

Another temple of Ramachandra probably existed at Pavnar near ^Vardha, just at
the place where Vinobaji’s dsrama now stands on the bank of the river Dham. It appears
to have been decorated with beautiful panels depicting scenes from the Rdmdyana, some of
which have recently been discovered at the place.2 These panels w ere probably built into
the w'alls of the temple as in the case of the Gupta temple at Devagadh. As shown above,
Pavnar is probably identical with Pravarapura, which Pravarasena II founded and made
the seat of his government some time after the eleventh regnal year. This temple may
have been constructed by him at the instance of his mother, the dowager queen Prabhavati-
gupta. So long as the capital was at Nandivardhana, Prabhavatigupta could have the
darsana of her ishta-devatd, (i.e. Ramachandra) at Ramagiri which was only about 3 miles aw'ay;
but when the capital was shifted to Pravarapura, she, having gone to stay there, must have
felt the need of a temple of Ramchandra there. At her instance her dutiful son Pravarasena
II appears to have erected this temple and got it decorated by the best artists of the age.
Vinobaji’s dsrama, which is situated on an artificial mound and the area round which yielded
the panels mentioned above, probably marks the site of this temple. ^

Buddhism also w-as flourishing in the kingdom of the Vakatakas. It had perhaps
a greater attraction for those who on account of some calamities befalling them were con-
vinced of the transitoriness of health, worldly possessions and life. Varahadeva, minister
of the Vakataka king Harishena, who was so convinced, caused a magnificent vihdra
cave to be exca\ ated at Ajanta in memory of his father and mother. ^ He got it adorned with
wdndows, doors, beautiful picture-galleries, ledges, statues of the nymphs of Indra, etc. It
contained a temple of the Buddha inside and w as provided with a large reservoir of water
as also with a shrine of the lord of the Nagas. He presented the magnificent cave to the
Community of Buddhist Monks at Ajanta.

iNo. 3, line 13.

2 Note the expression atyanta-bhagavad-bhakta descriptive of her in her grant. No. 2, line 8.

^No. 2, line 14; No. 8, line 31.

'^'No. 8, line 1, I

5 No. 9, line 20.

6 No. 13, lines 22-23.

2 For a description of these panels, see below, pp. Ixi f.

®For a full discussion of this matter see my article entitled ‘Pravarapura: .-Vn ancient Capital of
the Vakatakas’ in Sarupa-Bharati, pp. 271 f. See also S.I., Vol. II, pp. 272 f.

^No. 25 line 18.

xlii

INTRODUCTION

Varahadeva caused another cave to be excav^ated at Gulwada, 11 miles west of
Ajan^. Like Cave XVI, this cave also is of the Vihdra type, with a shrine of the Buddha
in the dharma-chakra-pravartana-mudra at the farther end. It is decorated with beautiful
sculptures and well-carved pillars and pilasters, but contains no paintings. As the inscrip-
tion in which Varahadeva gave an account of his ancestors^ is sadly mutilated in its lower
portion, the purpose for which the cave was excavated remains unknown. Nearby is another
smaller cave of the vihdra type which also was probably excavated by the same minister and
dedicated to the Buddhist Sahgha.

Two other caves at Ajanta belong to the age of the Vakatakas. They are the Vihara
Cave XVII and the Chaitya Cave XIX. Both were excavated by a feudatory of Harishena,
who ruled over the Rishika country. His name is unfortunately lost, as the inscription in
Cave XVII, in which he had given an account of himself and his ancestors, is now very much
mutilated. From the extant portion of it we learn that this prince was overwhelmed with
sorrow at the premature death of his younger brother Ravisamba.2 Being convinced of the
transitoriness of worldly existence, he began to lead a pious life. Realizing that wealth
causes an obstacle in the attainment of siddhi, he adorned the earth with stupas and vihdras.
He caused the excellent monolith mandapa (i.e. Cave XVH) containing the chaitya of the
Buddha to be excavated and provided it with a water-cistern. To the west of it, in another
part of the hill he caused a gandhakuti (i.e. Chaitya Cave XIX) to be excavated. These
two are known for their excellent paintings and sculptures respectively.

As this inscription states, there must have been many such vihdras and chaityas excavated
or constructed in other parts of the Vakataka empire, but they have now passed into
oblivion.

An analysis of the grants of the Vakataka kings and their feudatories would shed
interesting light on the religious tendencies of the age. Of the 27 inscriptions edited here,
as many as nine are either incomplete or record no gift. Of the remaining eighteen grants,'
three3 record donations of vihdra and chaitya caves to Buddhist Sahghas, and fifteen, gifts
of some land or village to Hindu gods and Brahmanas. This shows that Buddhism was
gradually losing ground^ and Hinduism was asserting itself. It would again be interesting
to see on what occasions the gifts were made. The grants to Buddhist Sahghas mention
no particular occasion. Again, two^ of the grants to Brahmanas contain only season dates
and therefore afford no basis for conjecture. Of the remaining thirteen grants also, only
three® state explicitly the tithi of the gift, while the others contain only the dates when
the gifts were actually recorded. From these latter, however, we can in some cases conjecture
the occasion of the gift. • For instance, if a gift is recorded on the 12th or the 13th of the bright
or dark fortnight of a month, it would not be wrong to conjecture that it was made on the
occasion of the pdrand after observing a fast on the preceding ekddasi (11th tithi). We thus
find that of the aforementioned thirteen grants, as many as nine were made at the time of
the pdrands of the following ekddaiis —

I No. 26 lines 3 f.

2No. 27 lines 12 f.

^ Viz. Nos. 25, 26 and 27,

the preceding age of the Satavahanas, most of the inscriptions recorded gifts to Buddhist

Sahghas.

5Nos. 10 and 23,

6 Nos. 2, 7 and 14.

RELIGION

xliii

Name of Ekddasi

Total no. of grants

Jyeshtha su. di. 1 1 (now called Nirjala)

Onei

Bhadrapada va. di. 1 1 . .

One2

Asvina su. di. 1 1 (now called Pasahkusa)

One3

Karttika su. di. 1 1 (now called Prabodhini)

Four^

Magha va. di. 1 1 (now called Shat-tila)

One3

Phalguna su. di. 1 1 (now" called Amalaki)

One®

This shows what importance the ekddasi-vrata had attained in that age. Again, even
among the ekadasis, that called Prabodhini ekadasi was regarded as most sacred. It is
interesting to note that Kalidasa also mentions this tithi in the Meghaduta^ as the day of deli-
verance for the exiled Yaksha. It was believed that on that tithi the god Vishnu rose from
his serpent couch after a sleep of four months.

One grant (No. 12) recorded on Jyeshtha su. di. 10 was made to a Brahmana who is
described as Vishuva-vdchanaka. It seems therefore to have been made on the occasion of
the Mesha Sankranti. In the case of the two grants, ^ no particular sacred tithi seems to have
been the occasion of the gifts. One grant (No. 14) was made on the occasion of tila-vdchanaka
i.e. probably a sraddha.

The foregoing analysis reveals certain surprising facts. Most of the Vakataka kings
were Paramamdhesvaras i.e. devout worshippers of Mahesvara or §iva. Still, apart from
No. 1 which may have recorded the construction of a temple of that god there is not a single
inscription which records a gift in honour of him. Similarly, there is no mention of any
gift having been made on a solar or a lunar eclipse. It may be noted in this connection
that eclipses and sankrdntis were the usual occasions when land-grants were made to
Brahmanas in later times, while gifts on completion of the ekddasi-vrata were very rare.

iNo. 6.

2No. 19.

3No. 3.

4^Nos. 2, 4, 5, and 8.

5No. 11.

6No. 7.

2Cf. ^ i v. 120.

^Nos. 9 and 15. In the case of the former grant which was recorded on Vaisakha va. di. 5 it is
possible to say that it was made on the preceding tithi sahkashta-chaturthi, which is sacred to Ganapati,
but it is doubtful if that god had attained such importance in the Vakataka age. There is generally
no obeisance to him in the beginning of early grants.

CHAPTER IX

SOCIETY

O UR records do not yield much information about the social condition in the age of the
Vaka takas. Hindu society was then no doubt divided into castes, but the caste system
had not become quite rigid. Some of the royal families of that age belonged to the
Brahmana, and some to the Kshatriya caste. The Vakatakas were Brahmanas of the Vish-
nuvriddha Their feudatories who ruled over the Mekala country traced their descent

from the Pandavas^ of the lunar race and evidently claimed to be Kshatriyas. The rulers of ^

Mahakantara (modern Bastar District of Madhya Pradesh and the adjoining territory) claimed
descent from the famous king Nala. They also must have been regarded as Kshatriyas.

In some other cases such as those of the rulers of Sarabhapura and Rishika we have no
means to ascertain their caste.

Though people generally married within their caste, intercaste marriages of the
anuldma type sanctioned by the Smritis^ were not unknown. The Brahmana prince Rudra-
sena 1 1 married the Vaisya princess Prabhavatigupta. This marriage brought no inferior
status to her and her children; for she became the agra-mahishi (crowned queen) of the
Vakataka king and her sons Divakarasena and Pravarasena H succeeded to the throne one
after the other. Another inter-caste marriage of that age is mentioned in the Ghatotkacha
Cave inscription. Soma, a learned Brahmana of Vallura, married wives of both the
Brahmana and Kshatriya castes. His sons from the Brahmana wives devoted themselves
to the study of the Vedas and made their native place famous by their learning. His ^

sons from the Kshatriya wife, on the other hand, took to the military profession and
distinguished themselves by their valour.^ Some of them became ministers of the
Vakataka kings.

The Brahmanas who devoted themselves to the study of the Vedas and Sdstras were
highly venerated. Some of them mastered more than one Veda. This was indicated by
epithets like Dviveda prefixed to their names^, which had not yet become mere surnames.

Some Brahmanas officiated as priests at Srauta sacrifices and Grihjia rites. Those who per-
formed certain rites like Gana-ydgas were looked down upon and were not invited to a srdddha.

The Brahmana who officiated at such rites received a munificent gift. Some Brahmanas
preferred to lead a celibate life and were known as naishthika Brahmachdrins. Kaluttaka,
who received the Jamb plates, was a Brahmana of this type.® Some Brahmanas were
known for their pious and saintly life. Such was the Achdrya Chanalasvamin who is des-
cribed as Bhagavad-bhakta (a devotee of Vishnu) in the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta.^

He was probably staying at Ramagiri and appears to have been in charge of the temple >

of Ramachandra there; for, the village Dahguna which Prabhavatigupta granted to him
was first offered to the feet of the god on Karttika su. di. 12.

^No. 3, line 2.

2 No. 19, line 1.

Manusmriti, III, 13.

“^^No. 26, lines 7-8.

®No. 12, line 22.

6 No. 3, line 19.

7 No. 2, line 14.

SOCIETY

xlv

From our records we get some interesting details about the Brahmanas of Vidarbha in
that age. Their names usually ended in sarman, drya, dchdrya or svdmin. They belonged to
different Vedas and sdkhds or charanas. Unfortunately, all records do not give details about
the Vedas and sdkhds of the donees. So the information is meagre. We can nevertheless
make some gleanings. It is noteworthy that among the donees of copper-plate grants
the Rigvedins and the Sdmavedins are conspicuous by their absence, not a single grant being
made to them.i Among the Tajurvedins, the followers of the Taittiriya sdkhd predoninate, as
many as six grants having been made to them . 2 One grant is made to a Brahmana of the
Mddhyandina sdkhd of the White Tajurveda.'^ He was residing in Mekala. In three other
cases also the donees probably belonged to the Vdjasaneya or White Tajurveda as shown by
the word vdji being prefixed to their gdtra.^ The Brahmanas of the Atharvaveda are now
extremely rare, but they were not so in those days; for, two grants, viz. those recorded in
the Tirodi and Basim plates^, were made to them. One of the donees belonged to the
Balaghat District and the others to the Akola District.

Some Brahmanas may have risen to a high rank in the administration of the State.
As the castes of the officers are nowhere mentioned in copper-plate grants, our information
in this respect is very meagre, but judging by his name, Devanandasvamin, who is named
as Dutaka in the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta, probably belonged to the Brahmana
caste.® Some of the scribes of the grants whose names ended in ddsa may also have been
members of the same caste . 2

The Kshatriyas, who ranked next to the Brahmanas in social hierarchy, occupied high
positions in the administration of the State. Thus, Chitravarman, who held the high office
of the Sendpati in the 11th and 13th regnal years® of Pravarasena II, was probably a Kshatriya.
Other Sendpatis such as Chamid^a, Namidasa, Bappadeva, Katyayana, and Madhappa
may also have been of the same caste, but we have now no means of ascertaining this.
Judging by his name, Prabhusiihha, the scribe of the Riddhapur plates,^ may also have been
of the Kshatriya caste.

Our records do not yield much information about other castes. The Indore plates
mention a merchant [vdnijaka) named Chandra, who could afford to purchase a half of the
village which was granted to certain Brahmanas by the Indore plates of Pravarasena II.
Some records mention the suvarnakdras (goldsmiths) who engraved the copper-plates. As
no large stone inscriptions of the Vakatakas have yet been discovered, we do not get the
names of any sutradhdras (artisans). The artisans, sculptors and painters who built the
temple at Pavnar and excavated and decorated with sculptures and paintings the Caves XVI,
XVII and XIX at Ajanta and the Ghatotkacha Cave at Gulwada have also remained
unknown.

1 Some of the donees of the Chammak plates which recorded grants to a thousand Brahmanas
of ‘ various gotras and charanas' may have belonged to these Vedas. The Vedas and Sdkhds of the few
donees who are named therein have not been recorded.

^Viz. Nos. 3-5, 7, 8, 15.

3No. 19, line 39-40.

^Nos. 9, 12 and 14.

3Nos. 11 and 22.

®No. 8, line 31.

2 It is well known that the great Sanskrit poet Kalidasa, who belonged to the Brahmana caste,
has a similar name. It is noteworthy that the scribe of No. 13 bore the same name.

®No. 5, line 30; No. 6, line 60.

9No. 8, line 32.

lONo. 9, line 20.

xlvi

INTRODUCTION

The inscription in Ajanta Cave XVII states that a feudatory of Emperor Harishena,
whose name has, unfortunately, been lost, being moved by compassion, released, by expendi-
ture of wealth, (persons) whose eyes were suffused through fear, as though they were his
(own) sonsd As this v^erse, like several others in that record, is very sadly mutilated,
it is not possible to say who these persons were. Perhaps they were domestic slaves. The
institution of slavery was, no doubt, prevalent in ancient India. A slave had no right to
property. 2 He had to do menial work. He was generally treated with kindness and so
foreign observers like Megasthenes have recorded that none of the Indians employed slaves.
The Yajnavalkya Smriti lays down that a king should release from bondage those who have
been enslaved by force or have been sold by thieves. He who saved the life of his master
was also set free. Those who were sold for money could be released by payment of the required
amount to their master.3 In the Mrichchhakatika I§arvilaka attempted to release his lady-love
from servitude by this means. The slaves referred to in the aforementioned Ajante
inscription were probably of this type. Harishena’s feudatory took pity on them and released
them from bondage by paying ransom-money and made them free citizens.

Inscriptions generally do not contain any particulars about the people’s mode of
living, their costume, jewellery, head-dresses, weapons, dwelling places, furniture, utensils,
musical instruments and so forth. For these, we must turn to contemporary literature,
sculpture and painting. The Vakataka age produced several Sanskrit and Prakrit kdvyas,
but most of them are now lost. The Meghaduta of Kalidasa and the Setubandha of Pravarasena
II are the only kdvyas of the age, produced in Vidarbha, now extant. As the other kdvyas
and ndiakas of Kalidasa were produced in Malwa outside Vidarbha, the description in them
may not be exactly true of Vidarbha. Still, these works also could be utilised with due
caution. The best sources of information about the social condition of the time are the
sculptures and paintings in Caves XVI, XVII and XIX at Ajanta, which were excavated
and decorated in that age. Fortunately, many of these sculptures and paintings are still
in a fairly good condition. They furnish considerable information about the customs and
manners of the people of Vidarbha in that age.

As showm elsewhere, the custom of building temples and vihdras in stone and brick
was coming into vogue in the age of the Vakatakas,"^ but these materials do not seem to
have been generally used for constructing dwelling places for the rich or the poor. Ajanta
paintings show that palaces, houses as well as shops in market places w^ere constructed of
wood. As is well known, early Indian architecture was in wood. When Vihdras and
Chaityas came to be excavated in hills, many of the features of wooden architecture such
as beams and rafters, unnecessary as they were in such excavations, were carved in stone.
Wooden ribs can still be seen in some early caves such as the Chaitya Cave at Karla.

Ajanta paintings show that the palaces and mansions of rich persons were constructed
on wooden pillars which were decorated with carvings or paintings in three places, at the
bottom, in the middle and at the top. The pillars had stone pedestals and either round or
elongated capitals. The lintels were decorated wdth Chaitya wdndows. The assembly halls
were either square or round in shape with a small verandah in front. For the latter type,

iNo. 27, line 17.

- Manusmriti, IX, 416.

3Adhyaya II, v. 182.

'^Ajanta paintings occasionally show some small stone structures crowned with a dome, an amalaka
and a finial resembling those of the original temple at Bodh Gaya. They may be devakulis or small
temples. See Jjaw/a, Part III, PI. LXI and IV, PI. XLIV (a).

SOCIETY

xlvii

see the circular pavilion where queen Maya is relating her dream to her husbandd The
halls were decorated with awnings and tapestries of various colours. 2 Some buildings had
dove-cots with gabled roofs^ such as are described by Kalidasa in the Meghaduta, v. 40.
The gateways leading from one part of a building to another had barrel-shaped roofs which
were decorated with the designs of Chaitya-windows at both the ends. 5 When necessary,
shamianas {pata-mandapas) and tents {upakdryds) were erected. They are mentioned by
Kalidasa in the description of the grand reception of prince Aja in Kundinapura, the capital
of Vidarbha.® Shops were generally square in shape and small in size, equipped with
chkajjds of cloth or wickerwork in order to protect them from the sun and rain. The dwe-
llings of the poor had thatched roofs as at present. ^

The furniture in the halls was of a simple type. Low square seats with round cushions
for reclining against were used. A stool called pdda-pitha was placed in front for resting the
feet on. The custom of placing pots one over another in slings suspended from the roof
of a kitchen, which is even now in vogue, is noticed in some paintings. ^ While dining,
people sat on low square seats, with the plate placed in front on a low stool. ^

Ajanta paintings give us a glimpse into the various strata of society in Vidarbha.
Some people are shown black in complexion and short in stature, with a flat nose. These
may be the aborigines residing in Vidarbha and may have belonged to the Naga race.
Those who excavated and painted the caves at Ajanta were probably of the same extrac-
tion. 1° They have, therefore, sculptured and painted in several places Naga-rajas with hoods
of serpents over their heads. On the other hand, kings, queens, Brahmanas as well as male
and female servants, noticed everywhere, are of the Aryan race. They are fair in com-
plexion, tall in stature and graceful in features. Besides, there were several foreigners such
as the Sakas, Parthians and Kushanas, who had settled in Maharashtra. Some of these
are portrayed in the Ajanta caves. In the fresco in Gave XVII which represents the Buddha
preaching to a congregation, we notice among the audience some persons with a conical
head-dress, who are apparently of foreign origin. ^2 Elsewhere there appear others with a
flat face and small eyes, dressed in a long robe, who, according to Mr. Yazdani, may be
Chinese. 13 Pilgrims from China used to come to India to visit the sacred places of
Buddhism.

Ajanta paintings give us a clear idea of the costume and jewellery ^vorn by men and
women in Vidarbha in the age of the Vakatakas. Most of them are shown dressed in a short
antariyaka or lower garment. As it did not cover the knees, it was called ardhoruka. In the
Harshacharita Bana has described it as one which left uncovered a third part of the thighs,
This cloth had stripes of different colours. The lower garments of Rama, Lakshmana and

^Ajanta, Part III, PI. LXI.

^Ibid., Part IV, PI. XVII (a).

^Ibid., Part III, PI. LXIII.

“^Cf. gctnrrrwprr etc.

^Ajanta, Part III, PI. L; Part IV, PI. XXI.

^ Raghuvamsa, Canto V, vv. 63 and 83.

T Ajanta, Part IV, PI. IV (c).

^Ibid., Part IV, PI. V.

^Ibid., Part IV, PI. XXXVI.

Part IV, PI. XV.

11 See below, pp. Ixviii f.

Ajanta, Part IV, PL XXXIX.

i^Ibid., Part IV, PI. XXIII.

^^Harshacharita (Nirnayasagar Press ed.), p. 22.

xlviii

INTRODUCTION

Sita in the panel called ‘ Meeting of Bharata ’ from Pavnar are of the same type, but they
are much broader, reaching down to the ankles. One end of this cloth which covered
the left thigh was tucked behind like a kachchha, while the other, after covering both the legs,
was taken behind and after being tucked a little, was kept dangling like a tail. The lower
garment was worn in a different manner in North India. Its pleats were gathered in front
as seen in the sculptures at SaHchi and Bharhut.2 Such pleats or nivis are seen nowhere
in the paintings of the Vakataka age at Ajanta, while the dangling end at the back is noticed
almost everywhere.3 In the Rdjatarangini Kalhana has given the following humorous descrip-
tion of this mode of wearing the lower garment by the southerners : — ‘ The king (Lalitaditya)
made the tail of the lower garment of the southerners touch the ground in order to show that
they were beasts.’^

\\ omen also wore their lower garment in a similar fashion. This is clear from one
end of it dangling behind when they are shown seated or standing with the back turned
towards others. ^ Some women, however, wore their lower garment in the vikachchha fashion
i.e. without the ends of it being tucked up behind. Some men wore a pair of shorts which
were tied with a band called katibandha.^ This kind of lower garment was called chanddtaka.
From the Harshacharita we learn that women also used to wear such a chanddtaka or under-
wear inside a long robe or kanchukaJ

While engaged in active exercise, such as horse-riding or hunting, men used to put
on trousers and a long coat with full sleeves over them. In the fresco representing the
Mriga-J dtaka, the king who has gone a hunting is shown dressed in this manner.^ Many
Gupta kings appear clad in the same fashion on their coins. Some servants also are shown
with long-sleeved robes in Ajanta paintings.

Men usually wore an upper garment {uttariya) which, like the sacred thread, went over
the left shoulder and below the right arm pit. Tliis mode of wearing it kept the right arm
free for movement. In some paintings the uttariya is seen turned over on the left shoulder.
Some persons used to fold it and wore it as a vaikakshaka across their breast. ^ Some others
took a long cloth and used it both as a lower and an upper garment.**^ In some cases we
find the uttariya worn over a long-sleeved coat.ii

In many paintings at Ajanta, the upper part of the bodies of kings, queens and rich
persons appears to be bare, while their servants, male and female, are clad in garments.
This prima facie appears strange, but the painter’s intention was to show that these men
and women of high social status were wearing diaphanous clothes. Sanskrit poets describe
these garments as nihsudsa-hdrya^"^ (such as could be blown away by mere breath) or as
sarpa-nirmbka-laghutara^'^ (thinner than the sloughs of serpents). They also state that even

1 See Plate B.

2 In the earlier paintings in Cave IX at Ajanta also such pleats are shown. See Ajanta, Part III,
PI. XVI.

^Ibid., IV, PI. XLVIII, LXV etc.

^Rajatarangini, IV, 180.

^Ajanta, Part IV, PI. LXIV(b).

^Ibid., Part IV, PI. LI(c).

’^Harshacharita (Nirnayasagar Press ed., 1912), pp. 31-32.

^Ajanta, Part IV, PI. LXVIII(c).

^Ibid., Part IV, PI. IV(c).
lO/iiW., Part IV, PI. XV.
nibid., Part IV, PI. XVII(a).

Ragfaivarnsa, Canto XVI, v. 43.

^^Harshacharita, pp. 31-32.

SOCIETY

xlix

when they were worn, the inside limbs of the body such as the breasts and thighs, ornaments,
sandal paste etc. were clearly seen through them. The painters have shown in their pictures
what the poets described in their kdvyas.

Some women used to wear a band called payodhara-pata to cover their breasts. ^ In
the scene representing dying Sundari, in Cave XVI, the maid who is fanning the princess
has worn such a breast-band. “ Again, in the fresco of the Visvantara-Jdtaka where Jujaka
is receiving the ransom-money, the queen who is sitting beside the king has also worn a
similar payddhara-pata.^ In the Sdkiintala, when Sakuntala complains that Priyaihvada
had tied her bark-garment tightly and asks Anasuya to loosen it, Priyaihvada retorts, ‘ You
should rather blame your youth which has developed your breasts.’^ In this scene also a
similar payodhara-pata is evidently referred to. As its knot used to be tied on the back, Sakuntala
had to ask her friend to loosen it. The kahchulikd or half-sleeved bodice, now usually worn by
Maharashtrian ladies, though not much in evidence, is noticed in some paintings. For
instance, the maid, standing near queen Maya, as she is relating her dream to her husband,
is shown to have worn such a bodice.^ Again, the woman with a child on her waist, who
appears in the midst of suppliants assembled to receive alms in the fresco representing the
Visvantara-Jdtaka, has put on a half-sleeved jacket of the modern type with the floral
designs painted on it.*^ In a scene of the Sirhhvaldvaddna in Cave XVII, a woman is shown
to have worn a green bodice of the same type as is worn by Maharashtrian ladies at present.^
Women of the Saka and Kushana descent used to Avear a half-sleeved jacket instead of a
bodice.^

Boys dressed themselves in the same maimer as men. This appears clear from the
frescoes representing prince Siddhartha and his young companions. Some of them have
one end of their lower garment dangling at the back, \\'hiie some others are shown with a
scarf on their shoulder, placed like an uttariyaP

After his enlightenment, the Buddha used to wear three garments, ( i) the antar dvdsaka
(which Yuan Chwang calls nivasana) or lower garment which was tied at the waist wdth a
girdle, (ii) the uttardsanga, also called sankakshikd which was w orn like an uttariya and (iii)
the sanghdti or long cloak. In the frescoes in Caves XVI and XVII, the Buddha appears in
some places to have worn an uttardsaiiga^^ and in others a sahghdtl.^^

Several modes of hair-dressing and coiffure are noticed in these paintings. In the
frescoes in Caves XVI and XVII, men nowhere appear with a turban such as is seen in
the earlier frescoes at Ajanta. The ruling princes are marked by a liigh jew elled diadem. *-
Sometimes a single golden band worn across the forehead served to distinguish a royal
personage. Others such as ministers, royal officers and common men generally wore their
hair loose, which fell on their back, neck or chest. Some wore a cotton or silken band

^ Priyadarsika, Act II, v. 7.

^Ajanta, Part III, PI. LII.

^Ibid., Part IV, PI. XXVI.

‘^Sakuntala, Act I.

Ajanta Part III, PL LXII.

^Ibid., Part III, PI. LXIV.

Ibid., Part IV, PI. LXIV(a).

^Ibid., Part III, PL LXVI.

^Ibid., Part III, PL LXIII.

^^Ibid., Part IV, PL XXXIX.

^^Ibid., Part III, PL LIII and LXXIV; Part IV, PL XLI.
^^Ibid., Part IV, PL XV.

INTRODUCTION

across their forehead, which Bana also has noticed.! In the scene in Cave XVII represen-
ting the Buddha preaching to a congregation, a person of high social status who is sitting
near king Bimbisara among the audience is shown as wearing such a white silken band,
under which his curling hair appears in small clusters.^ Foreigners like the Sakas and
Kushanas are shown with a conical head-dress or with a low round skull-cap. ^ The Brahma-
nas were marked by a tied tuft of hair on the crown of their head.^ In the school-scene in
Cave XVI some of Sidhartha’s companions have a similar tuft of hair.5 Boys generally
had clusters of hair called kakapakshakas above their ears.^ In some sculptures, Purnabhadra,
PaSchika and such other semi-divine beings are shown with a wig-like coiffure.^ Buddhist
monks shaved their heads clean, but they do not appear in this manner in Ajanta frescoes.
In the scene representing the miracle at Sravasti the naked Kshapanakas are, however,
shown with clean shaven heads,® whereas the Buddha, as also sages, wear matted hair.

Women dressed their hair in a variety of ways. The Ajan^ frescoes exhibit a great
many exquisite styles of coiffures. It is, however, noteworthy that nowhere in the frescoes
in Caves XVI and XVII is any lady shown to have covered her head with the hem of her
upper garment as Maratha ladies of noble birth do at present. Male and female servants
of foreign descent are in some places shown to have worn a conical cap. See, for instance,
the picture of such a maid servant with rough features who attends on a royal pair in a
scene of the Visvantara-Jataka in Cave XVII. She has worn a green jacket and a conical
cap with a tuft at the top.® Again, we do not see women of the age using a veil. Only in
one picture has Mr. Yazdani noticed what appears like a veil. In the scene which represents
the Buddha preaching to his mother in the Tushita heaven, one of the devis appears to have
worn ‘ an embroidered head-dress to which is attached a veil of white gauze such as is worn
by brides in European countries.’!® Everywhere else women appear without a veil as in
Maharashtra at present.

It is, however, noteworthy that women of Vidarbha did not apply a tilaka to their
forehead in the Vakataka age as they do at present!!. That this custom was, however,
prevalent in some places is clear from Kalidasa’s description in the Raghuvamsa, XVIII, 44.

Men and women were very fond of jewellery in the Vakataka age. Merchants, middle
class people and servants generally appear without jewellery on their person, but kings, princes,
high officers, queens and wives of rich people as also their maids are represented with a variety
of ornaments. As stated before, kings used to wear a high jew^elled diadem. They also put
on jew'elled ear-ornaments {kundalas) and necklaces of pearls or gems. Their arms were
adorned with jewelled armlets [angadas), with strings of pearls hanging from them!2. In his
description of the svayarhvara of Indumati, Kalidasa describes how' one of the princes who

! Cf. in the Harshacharita.

^Ajanta, Pa'rt IV, PI. XXXIX.

Part IV, PI. XXIII.

^Ibid., Part III, PI. LXIII.

6 In the Uttararamacharita, Bhavabhuti describes Lava as having five chudds of this type.

1 Ajanta, Part IV, PI. LXXV(a).

^Ibid., Part IV, PI. XLIII (b).

^Ibid,, Part III, PI. LXVI.

!0/iirf., Part IV, p. 67, PI. XL (a).

!!ln the paintings of the earlier caves at -Ajanta, however, such a tilaka is noticed on the forehead
of w'omen. See Ajanta, Part III, PI. XXI\’.

!2/JzW., Part IV, PI. XXXIX.

SOCIETY

attended it had to extricate his necklace which had got entangled in his armletk Rich
men wore golden wristlets [kanaka-valayas) . In the Meghaduta Kalidasa describes how the
forearm of the exiled Yaksha, who had become emaciated owing to separation from his
beloved, appeared bare by the fall of a golden wristlet2. The fingers were adorned with
rings. The confusion caused in the Sdkuntala by the loss of the signet ring of Dushyanta is
well known. Rich people wore a many-stringed pearl necklace after the manner of a
yajnopavita. The pictures of kings and princes assembled to hear the sermon of the Buddha
or that of the flying Indra in Cave XVIP give us a fairly clear idea of the jewellery worn
by rich men in the Vakataka age. That boys also wore similar ornaments will be clear
from the picture of Rahula, who goes forth to welcome the Buddha.

Women too put on very varied and beautiful jewellery. In many of the frescoes at
Ajanta women are shown with a head-ornament called laldtikd, one string of which followed
the parting line of hair. Bana has described it as ‘ a tilaka-mani kissing the slmanta This
laldtikd had, in some cases, a cluster of pearls or a round golden disc suspended on the
forehead, which gave it the name chatuld-tilaka^. Boys also wore this kind of ornament.
See, for instance, the pictures of Yasodhara and Rahula welcoming the Buddha in Ajanta
Gave XVI5. Some women wore a network of pearls in their hair, which Kalidasa has
mentioned in the Meghaduta, v. 65. They also put on pearl-necklaces of one or more strings.
In the Meghaduta Kalidasa mentions a pearl-necklace with a large saphire woven in the
middle®. Some women used to wear kanthikds (necklaces) of rubies and emeralds, while
others liked those made of gold coins (nishkas) . Several Indian and Roman coins have been
found in excavations, with a hole at the top, which shows that they were worn in such
necklaces.

Now^here in Ajanta frescoes do we notice the nose-ornament now worn b\' Maha-
rashtrian ladies. It had not, evidently, come into vogue in that age. The main ornaments
of women then were the laldtikd in the hair, round ear-rings, jew'elled armlets with pearl-
strings suspended from them and bracelets of gold. They also wore jew elled girdles called
manim'ekhalds. AVhen these girdles were equipped with small bells, they were called kdnchis.
Kalidasa describes how’ women wearing such a girdle used to attract domestic swans. They
also wore anklets, which, however, were not thick like those used by women of North India.
The ornaments w'orn by women of Vidarbha showed a much more refined taste.

Men used a footwear which was tied with straps near the ankle.^ ^Vhen they went
to fight or hunt, they had a sword suspended from their belt and a dagger fixed in it. The
accoutrement of horses such as the saddle, bridle etc. was just as at present,® but the stirrups
are nowhere noticed. Horses for riding were w ell decorated. The warrior’s quiver of arrows
was fastened to the saddle. Foot-soldiers used to tie it on their back. Elephants were
adorned with gold ornaments and pearl strings, with large discs suspended on their trunks,
but their bodies are nowhere noticed painted as described by Kalidasa in the Meghadfita,
V. 19. Nor do we notice a howdah on the back of any elephant.

^ Raghuvama, CantoVI, v.l4.

3Ajan^rPa^IJPIM.XVII. ^

■*Gf. I JT?T:II Cora, on the Harshacharita, p. 32.

^Ajanta, Part IV, Pl.XLI.

^ Me ghaduta, v. 48.

T Ajanta, Part III, PI. LXII.

^Ibid., Pan IV, PI. LXVIII (b).

INTRODUCTION

Among weapons of war we find swords, spears, daggers, arrows etc. Swords were
generally curved in shape, though straight ones sheathed in scabbards are also noticed.
The latter were suspended from the girdles of warriors or were tied to the saddles of riding
horses. Shields were rectangular and curved, though round ones also are noticed in some
places.

Among household articles we may mention umbrellas which were either rectangular
or square. The royal umbrella held over the heads of kings and queens was, however, round
in shape. Fly-whisks were like those now in use, but fans were rectangular and elongated.

Among musical instruments are noticed tabors {mridangas), conches, symbals, flutes and
lutes with one or more strings. The tabor, while being played upon, was suspended from
the neck.

Among animals we notice elephants, horses, cows, bullocks, tigers, lions, deer, monkeys,
and dogs. The camel is, however, nowhere seen. Among aquatic animals we find the
fish, the tortoise and the crocodile painted. Other animals have not been painted evidently
for want of occasion.

CHAPTER X

LITERATURE

I T is well-known that in the fourth and fifth centuries A.c. Sanskrit literature flourished as it
had never done before. This was no doubt mainly due to the liberal patronage which the
Gupta kings extended to Sanskrit authors at their court. Some of these kings were
poets of no mean order. From the Allahabad stone pillar inscription we learn that the
great Gupta Emperor Samudragupta had obtained the title of Kavirdja, ‘ King of poets
by his several poetical compositions which even learned men found fit to draw' upon.^ His
son Chandragupta II — Vikramaditya was probably the author of several sublidshitas current
under the name of Vikramaditya, collected in some Sanskrit anthologies . 2 According to a
tradition recorded by Rajasekhara, he submitted himself to a test in the assembly of learned
men at Ujiayini.^ When kings themselves took such an active interest in poetry, it is no wonder
that their officers and subjects also did likewise.^ Some of the officers of the Guptas are
known to have been poets. Besides Harishena, the famous author of the Allahabad prasasit
of Samudragupta, who held the high offices of Sdndhivigrahika, Kumdrdmdtya and Mahd-
dandandjaka during the reign of Samudragupta, we know' of Saba of the Kautsa gbtra, the
Sdndhivigrahika of Chandragupta II, who is described as the poet of Pataliputra in the
Udayagiri cave inscription. Several other princes and officers must have similarly distin-
guished themselves in that age by their practice of the poetic art.

This state of things w'as not, however, confined to the north. In the south also poetry
as well as other fine arts flourished at the Vakataka court. The first thing that strikes
us is that almost all Vakataka grants are throughout written in Sanskrit. The only excep-
tion is the Basim grant of Vindhyasakti II, but in this case also the genealogical portion is
in Sanskrit. This grant show's how Sanskrit began gradually to supplant Prakrit in the
drafting of royal charters. Most of the Vakataka grants are written in prose and in a
matter-of-fact manner, and are therefore wholly devoid of poetic embellishment. This
does not however, indicate that the Vakatakas took no interest in Sanskrit poetry. From
the Saduktikarndmrita of Sridharadasa we know of a subhdshita composed by Tuvardja Diva-
karasena who is probably identical with the homonymous boy-prince for whom Prabhavati-
gupta was acting as a regent.^ Some other subhdshitas are ascribed to Pravarasena. Several
good Sanskrit kdvyas must have been written in that age in Vidarbha under the liberal
patronage of the Vakatakas, though they have now passed into oblivion; for, otherwise,
early rhetoricians like Dandin would not have regarded Vaidarbhi as the best style of
Sanskrit poetry, and Kalidasa, the poet of Mala\ a, would not ha\ e adopted it for the com-
position of his works . 2

1 C././., Vol. Ill, p. 8. Fleet’a translation of vidvaj-jan-opajivyamdna-kdvja-krijdbhih as ‘by various
poetical compositions that were fit to be the means of subsistence of learned men’ is evidently incorrect.
Kavindravachanasamuchchaya, ed. by F. W. Thomas, Introd., pp. 160 f.

3 Rajasekhara, Kdvyamimdmsd (G.O.S., first ed.),pp. 105 f.

^Cf. TFTfT I Ibid., p. 54.

5C././., Vol. Ill, p. 35.

^Saduktikarndmrita (ed. by H. D. Sharma), II, 31, 4.

^That K^idasa composed his w'orks in the Vaidarbhi riti is well known. Cf. JT'tsTf'nTtnT 444

fin:: 1 WcW 11 Avantisundarlkatha, p. 2.

liv

INTRODUCTION

One of Kalidasa’s Avorks, the lovely lyric Meghaduta, may be regarded as a kavya of
Vidarbha, since it was probably composed during the great poet’s sojourn at the Vakateika
court. The subject matter of the kavya is the message which a yaksha, exiled from Alaka
because of dereliction of duty, sends by a cloud-messenger to his beloved at the approach
of the rainy season. The yaksha gives a graphic description of the places, mountains and
ri\ ers on the route of the cloud from Ramagiri, where he was staying, to his home in Alaka.
As I have shown elsewhere,! this Ramagiri is undoubtedly modern Ramt^, 28 miles from
Nagpur, ^v■hich has maintained its reputation as a holy place to this dav. Several grants
of the Vakatakas were made at the temple of Ramchandra, called Ramagiri-svamin,2 on
that hill. As Ramagiri ^vas only about three miles from the then Vakataka capital Nandi-
vardhana, Kalidasa must have visited it many times. It was evidently at this place that
the theme of the Mdghaduta suggested itself to him. This kavya composed in Vidarbha has
evoked unstinted praise from all critics. It is difficult to praise too highly,” says Keith,
either the brilliance of the description of the cloud’s progress or the pathos of the picture
of the wife, sorrowful and alone. Indian criticism has ranked it highest among Kalidasa’s

poems for brevity of expression, richness of content and power to elicit sentiment, and the
praise is not undeser\^ed.

As stated before, the inscriptions of the Vakataka kings are in prose, but those of
their ministers and feudatories are either wholly or partly in verse. They are composed in
a lucid style and are, in many places, embellished with figures of word and sense.4 Some
of their verses would be good illustrations of the Vaidarbhi style.

received a fresh impetus during the enlightened regime of the
a ataka kings. These kings were not only patrons of learned men, but also authors of excellent
Vv^knt kavyas and subhdshitas. Of these the earliest is Sarvasena, the founder of the Vatsa-
gulma branch, who composed the Prakrit kavya Harivijaya. Sarvasena had indeed long been
known as the author of this Prakrit kavya from the references to him in the works of Ananda-
vardhana, Hemachandra and other rhetoricians, but that he was a king became known only
rom a mutilated verseS in the fragmentary Avantisundarikathd, to which I drew attention
recently. History knows of only one king of this name, viz., he who founded the Vatsagulma
ranch of ffie \ akataka dynasty. He must therefore have been the author of this kavya
Tht Hanvijaya is not now extant, but we can form a fair idea about its theme nature
f T references in the works of later rhetoricians. In the Dkvanydloka

Anandavardhana states that Sarvasena had altered the original story and introduced some
imapnary incidents in it in order to make it suitable for the delineation of the intended
sentiment. Anandavardhana does not state what the story was, but here his commentator
Abhmavagupta comes to our help. He states that the Harivijaya had for its theme the

'' hich was done by Krishna for the appeasement
of his wife (evidently Satyabhama).^ Elsewhere Anandavardhana cites a Prakrit verse
from the Harivijay a, which shows that the work was ^^Titten in the Maharashtri dialect.8

15 ./., Vol. I, pp. I2f.

2 No. 8, line 1.

3 Keith, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 86.

‘^See Nos. 25, 26 and 27. It was the use oiyamakas in the inscription in cave XVI at Aianti th^t
enabled me to restore the mutilated name of Sarvasena in line 6. ve ^ v r at Ajanta that

6 to us, it is not possible to specify the incidentTaddeTbv S^a J

b« one of .hem may ha« been ,he sending of Sai/aki asaeil^^Jo^

See Dhvanyaloka (Nirnayasagar ed.), p. 148 oeiow, p. iv.

^Ihid., p. 127.

LITERATURE

Some other Prakrit verses in the Dhvanydloka appear to have been taken from the same work,
though this has not been explicitly stated by Anandavardhanad

The next writer who mentions Sarvasena is Kuntaka, the famous author of the
Vakroktijivita. He classes Sarvasena with Kalidasa among writers of the sukumdra-mdrga
(elegant style ). 2 Bhoja, the author of the Sarasvatikanthdbharana, cites two Prakrit verses,
which from their contents appear to have been taken from the Harivijaya. The first of these
states why Satyabhama alone in the midst of the other wives of Krishna got enraged by
humiliation (when the Parijata flowers obtained from heaven were presented by Krishna
to Rukmini). The second verse seems to have been addressed by Krishna to Satyabhama.
Says he, “ If I had appeased you, who had become enraged by (the presentation of) flowers
(to Rukmini), by offering the same flowers to you, it would not have been in keeping with
either my love for you or my offence against you. (Hence I am honouring you with
the gift of the Parijata tree itself.)” In his other work Sringdraprakdsa also Bhoja cites several
verses from the Harivijaya. Thus in the prakdsas xxii-xxiv, which have been published, as
many as six verses have been quoted from that kdvya as stated by the editor in the Index
of Prakrit verses of those chapters. Several more verses must have been cited in other
chapters which are still unpublished.

Hemachandra,^ the Jain polymath, has referred to the Harivijaya in several places in
his vivriti on the Alankdrachuddrnani, which gives us several bits of interesting information.
For instance, he tells us that like the Setubandha, the Harivijaya was throughout written in one
metre {viz-, Skandhaka) and that the verses in the Galitaka metre found therein were later
interpolations. The last verse of each canto contained the word utsdha, just as that in the
dhdsas of the Setubandha contains anurdga. Its theme, as stated above, was the forcible re-
moval of the Parijata tree by subduing Indra for the appeasement of Satyabhama. It
seems that Krishna had at first sent Saiyaki as a nisrishtdrtha-duta, i.e. as a Commissioner
invested with full powers of negotiation. Like other mahdkdvyas it contained the description
of the city (Dvaraka), the hero (Krishna), the season spring, sunset, horses, elephants,
drinking parties and so forth. Ultimately, Krishna invaded heaven, vanquished Indra and
forced him to part with the celestial tree Parijata, which he presented to Satyabhama to
appease her anger.

The Harivijaya is probably the earliest Prakrit kdvya known so far.^ It fully conforms
to the norm of the mahdkdvyas and seems to have served as a model for the Sanskrit and
Prakrit kdvyas of Kalidasa and Pravarasena II, who flourished in a later age. It seems to
have been current in India down to the twelfth century a.c.; for, Dandin (7th cen.),
Anandavardhana (9th cen.), Kuntaka (10th cen.), Bhoja (11th cen.), Abhinavagupta (11th
cen.) and Hemachandra (12th cen.) either refer to Sarvasena by name or cite verses referring
to incidents in that kdvya. I have not seen references to it in later works and no manuscripts
of it are known to exist anywhere.

Sarvasena seems to have composed some Prakrit gdthds also. Gahgadharabhatta,
whose commentary has been published in the Nirnayasagar edition of the Gdthdsaptasatl, does

IFor instance the verse sajjei surahi-mdso, etc., which has been cited in more than one place {ibid.,
pp. 106, 236 etc.) as descriptive of the vernal season, is also probably taken from the Harivijaya, which,
as shown below, did contain a description of that season.

2Gf. 'prsinfir 1 Vakroktijivita, p. 71.

3 See Hemachandra’s Kdvyanusasana, ed. by Rasik Lai, pp. 457 f.

'*The PauTnachariu of Vimalasuri was, according to a statement in that work, composed in the year
530 after the Nirvana of Mahavira i.e. in 64 .\.c., but this date is regarded as doubtful. Prof. Jacobi
places the kdvya ‘ in the third century a.c. or somewhat later.’

Ivi

INTRODUCTION

not name Sarvasena among the known authors of the gathds, but, as Weber has shown,
another commentator Bhuvanapala ascribes two verses, viz-, 217 and 234 to him. Pitam-
bara, a third commentator, whose commentary on the gathds has been published recently,
mentions Sarvasena’s name in connection with two more verses, viz- 504 and 505. The
attribution of these gdthds to Sarvasena furnishes additional evidence for the identification
of that author with the homonymous king who ruled over Southern Vidarbha.

During the reign of Sarvasena and his successors, Vatsagulma appears to have become
a centre of learning, and the Prakrit kdvyas and subhdshitas composed there evolved a style
called Vachchhomi (Vatsagulmi), which became a synonym of Vaidarbhi. Rajasekhara
mentions Vachchhomi in this sense in the opening verse of his Karpuramanjari.

Like Sarvasena, Pravarasena II of the Senior branch of the Vakataka family distin-
guished himself by the composition of Prakrit poetry. He is the reputed author of the
Prakrit kdvya Setubandha, also called Rdvanavaho, in the Maharashtri Prakrit. According
to some scholars ^ this Pravarasena was Pravarasena II of Kashmir, and the kdvya was
composed to commemorate a bridge of boats constructed across the river Vitasta. This
theory is, however, untenable; for, the Rdjatarangini, which mentions the construction of the
bridge, makes no reference to this kdvya."^ Ramadasa, a commentator of the kdvya, has,
on the other hand, recorded the tradition that the work was actually composed by Kalidasa,
who ascribed it to Pravarasena by the order of Vikramaditya. This tradition can be satis-
factorily explained only if this Pravarasena is identified with Pravarasena II of the VaJcataka
family; for, the latter was the daughter’s son of Chandragupta Il-Vikramaditya. We
have seen above that Kalidasa, who enjoyed the patronage of Chandragupta II, probably
stayed at the Vakataka capital Nandivardhana for some time, and w'hile there, composed
his Meghaduta, which mentions the holy place Ramagiri, situated not far from that capital.
It is therefore not unlikely that he helped his patron’s daughter’s son Pravarasena II in com-
posing the kdvya during his sojourn in Vidarbha. This explains also the tradition^ preserved
by Ramadasa that Pravarasena was called Bhojadeva; for, Bhuja was the name of the ancient
dynasty of Vidarbha. V erse 9 of the first canto of Setubandha states that the work was com-
menced by Pravarasena soon after his accession and that he occasionally found it difficult
to carry it on."^ On such occasions he must have received help from Kalidasa, which is
recorded in the aforementioned tradition as well as in the colophons of the cantos of the
Prakrit kdvya.

The Setubandha has for its theme the epic story of Rama from his advance against
Ravana and the building of a bridge of stone to Lanka to his return to Ayodhya after the
extermination of the demon king. The work is divided into fifteen cantos called dhdsas,
and contains 1362 verses. The prevailing metre is Skandhaka, but verses in other metres also
are interspersed in the middle and also added at the end of each canto.

The Setubandha is composed in an artistic style considered suitable for a mahdkdvya,
with the use of puns and long compounds. It was plainly written for a public which was
well versed in Sanskrit, and contains a description of all the topics considered essential in a
Sanskrit mahdkdvya. It has been highly praised by Sanskrit poets and rhetoricians. Bana
says in his Harshacharita that by means of this Seiu (i.e. Setubandha) the fame of Pravarasena
crossed the ocean, as the army of monkey s had done before by means of the bridge (of Rama).

tMacdonell, History of Sanskrit Literature, 331-32; Keith, History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 132 f.

-Rdjatarangini, III, 354.

'^Setubandha, I, 9.

■^Cf. f4ffrarTf^feTT i ii

LITERATURE

Ivii

Anandavardhana, the famous critic of the 9th century a.c., bestows high praise on the
section of the kdvya which describes how Sita was overwhelmed with grief at the sight of the
illusory head of Ramad

Pravarasena II wrote, besides this kdvya, stray Prakrit verses, some of which have been
preserved in the aforementioned Prakrit anthology Gdthdsaptasati. The index of the gdthds
in the Nirnayasagar edition of this work ascribes five verses viz- 45, 64, 202, 208, and 216
to Pravarasena, and Pitambara adds two more to them, viz-, 481 and 565d Further,
Bhuvanapala mentions Pravara, Pravararaja or Pravarasena as the author of the following
gdthds: — 46, 126, 158, 203, 209, 321, 341, 567, 734. This Pravarasena or Pravararaja
can be none other than the Vakataka Pravarasena II, the reputed author of the Setubandha.

It may prima facie seem strange that these gdthds of the Vakataka princes Sarvasena and
Pravarasena II should be included in the Gdthdsaptasati, traditionally ascribed to the Sata-
vahana king Hala, who flourished more than three centuries earlier. We should, however,
remember, that the Gdthdsaptasati has not come down to us in its original form. As Weber
pointed out long ago, the work has undergone six or seven recensions. Only 430 verses
are common to all recensions. They may have been the original kernel of the anthology.
Several additions and omissions appear to have been made in it from time to time. As I
have shown elsewhere, it contains some gdthds of Vakpatiraja, who was a junior con-
temporary of Bhavabhuti and therefore flourished nearly three centuries after Pravarasena II.
It should therefore cause no surprise if some gdthds of the aforementioned Vakataka princes
are found included in it.

The existence, in the Saptahti, of several gdthds composed by the two Vakataka kings
Sarvasena and Pravarasena II, raises the interesting question whether that anthology
contains any other composed by other Vakataka princes. We now possess complete

lists of the princes of the Nandivardhana and Vatsagulma branches of the Vakataka dynasty.
None of these except Sarvasena and Pravarasena (II) figure in the list of the authors of verses
of the Saptahti. But there were two other branches of the family ruling perhaps in Kuntala
and Dakshina Kosala. They had no doubt a short life of about 50 years (circa 330-380 a.c.),
but they must have produced some princes. As the names of the members of the Nandi-
vardhana and Vatsagulma branches invariably end in sena, the names of these princes also
may have ended in rena. The mentions five such names Jayasena (v. 170),

Makarandasena (v\'. 6, 80, 90), Satyasena (vv. 233, and 298), Mallasena (v. 237) and
Vasantasena (v. 323). The conjecture may therefore be hazarded that some of these poets,
if not all, belonged to the Vakataka family. Its corroboration will have to be left to future
research.

Besides the Setubandha of Pravarasena II, there was another work called Setu which
also was probably produced in the Vakataka age. The Avantisundarikathd has the following
verse in its introductory portion eulogising early Sanskrit and Prakrit poets: —

This verse mentions fifty-six poets, who are described as kavi-pungava ‘ eminent poets ’.
They had an insight into the real nature of things and attained the position of authority in
their own sphere. Another piece of interesting information that this verse gives is that these

^ Dhvanydloka (Nirnayasagar ed., 1911), p. 148. Anandavardhana says that the figures of sense
(arthdlankdras) vie with one another in pressing themselves on the attention of the author while his mind
w^as engrossed in describing the pathetic scene.

2 The numbers oi gdthds cited here refer to those in the Nirnayasagar edition, of the Gdthdsaptasati.

Iviii

INTRODUCTION

poets, though dead, continued to live in this world in the form of Setu. This was therefore
the name of their work which was quite well known in the time of Dandin.

The poets and works eulogised in the introductory verses of the Avantisundarlkatha
appear to hav'e been mentioned in the chronological order. The aforementioned verse
about the Setu occurs immediately after that describing Sarvasena’s Harivijaya and before
another eulogising Kalidasa. This work therefore appears to have been produced in the
Vakataka age. Since it was composed by fifty-six poets, it could not hav'e been identical
with the Setubandha of Pravarasena II. Curious as it might appear, we have a similar name
viz-, Chhappannaya (Sanskrit, ShatpaSchasat) mentioned among those of Prakrit poets in
the following verse of the Kuvalayamdld of Uddyotanasuri (778 a.c.)^: —

^ ^ m TO II

‘ How can I take any steps, being, like a simple deer, terrified by the roar of the lions,
viz., Palittaya, Salahana and Chhappannaya? ’

This verse speaks of three poets Palittaya, Salahana and Chhappannaya. Palittaya
(or Padalipta) and Hala are well-known Prakrit poets. Like them, Chhappannaya also was
probably a Prakrit poet. The Kuvalayamdld eulogises him as follows; —

gcqOTrJir>T TOtTOTTm I

‘ What need be said about the Chhappannayas, the eminent poets, with whom even now
a poet of clever sayings is compared in this world !’

The first thing that strikes us in this eulogy is that Uddyotana has used the plural
number in praising Chhappannaya. That this is not for the purpose of showing respect to
the poet appears clear from other verses in which Uddyotana has used the singular in
referring to such great poets as Palittaya, Hala, Bana, Devagupta, nay his own teacher
Haribhadra. Chhappannaya, which means fifty-six, was therefore probably the name of
a group of poets. These fifty-six poets probably formed a Kavi-mandala and published a
work under their collective name.

As stated before, this Setu could not have been identical with the Setubandha. The
latter is a Prakrit kdvya of the same type as the Kumdrasambhava, Kirdtdrjuniya and Sisupdlavadha.
Its several cantos have a unity of purpose and a uniformity of style such as one can hardly
expect in a heterogeneous work composed by as many as fifty-six poets. Besides, none of
the later writers who have referred to it have even hinted that it was a compilation of verses
composed by several poets. There must therefore have been another work named Setu,
which was of the type of an anthology. This is also suggested by the eulogy of Uddyotana.
He says that the fifty-six poets were famous for clever sayings {Chheka-bhanitas) so much so
that they became the standards of comparison for later poets. Their verses were probably
of the same type as the Sanskrit subhdshitas, in which by means of a few strokes they depicted
an interesting situation.

It is not unlikely that there was such an anthology in the Vakataka age. As we have
seen, the Vakataka princes Sarvasena and Pravarasena II composed gdthds which were later
incorporated into the Gdthdsaptasati. Several other poets, not known to history, whose
gdthds are included in the Gdthdsaptahti, must have flourished in the same age. It should
therefore cause no surprise if a compilation of such gdthds was made in that age under the
name of Setu. The anthology seems to have become current as the work of fifty-six poets who

^See C. D. Dalai’s Notes to his edition of the Kdoyamimdmsa (G.O.S.)

LITERATURE

lix

contributed to it, and by its excellence became the standard by which the work of subsequent
poets was judged. \Vhen the anthology went out of vogue in later times, some of its verses
seem to have been incorporated into the earlier anthology of Hala. This appears to be
the only satisfactory explanation of the statements of Dandin and Uddydtanasuri regarding
the fifty-six poets and their work Setu.

CHAPTER XI

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

I N architecture, sculpture and painting the achievements of the Vakataka age were
as outstanding as in literature. There were several temples erected in that age,
some of which are mentioned in the inscriptions of the Vakatakas such as the Dharma-
sthdna at Chikamburi, the temple of Pravaresvara which gave its name to the territorial
division Pravaresvara-shadvimsati-vataka, the temple of Ramagirisvamin on Ramagiri
(modem Ramtek) and the temple of Mahapurusha (Vishnu) in Asvatthakhetaka (modern
Pattan). Besides, there was a beautiful temple of Ramachandra built by Pravarasena II
at his new capital Pravarapura, evidently at the instance of his mother Prabhavatigupta.
But none of these structures is now extant. There is indeed a temple of Ramachandra on
the hill near Ramtek, but it has not retained its original shape. As the territory under the
rule of the Vakatakas has not yet been thoroughly surveyed, we have no knowledge of the
remains of the stmctures of that age if any still exist. The only place where we find some
remnants is the hill at Ramtek. On a spur of that hill north-east of the Varaha Gate, there
are still some remains of an ancient building which may go back to the Vakataka age.
There seems to have been a large structure erected at this place, but of it only a small
mandapa open on all sides is what now remains. As in the case of the Gupta temples,
it has a flat roof supported by six pillars, four of which are decorated with the lotus motif.
We have no knowledge of the image installed in this temple, but it seems to have been some
incarnation of Vishnu; for, there is still by its side what appears to have been originally
a beautiful image of Trivikrama,* now sadly mutilated. The god has a crown on his head,
with a halo round his face. He wears the kmdalas on his ears and a pearl-necklace with a
large pendant round his neck. His vaijayanti garland is shown falling on both his legs. He wears
an udarabandha. His lower garment, which is fastened at the waist with a girdle, hangs down
in folds in front. His arms are now broken on both the sides, but their jewelled angadas,
(armlets) can still be seen. His left foot is planted on the ground, while the right foot, which
was raised to measure the sky, is now broken at the knee. The pose shows his determination
to rescue the three worlds from the demon king Bali. The latter is standing in the
tribhanga pose at the god’s feet in an attitude of reverence. The image of his queen who
was standing by his side is now very much mutilated. In its original condition this panel must
undoubtedly have been reckoned among the best products of the Vakataka age.

As stated before, there was a temple of Ramachandra at Pravarapura, modem Pavnar
near Wardha. It was decorated with several panels, some of which were discovered from
time to time while digging in the fields round iSri Vinobaji’s dhama on the left bank of the
river Dham. As these sculptures were not seen by any archaeologists, their importance
was not realised for several years. When I visited the place in 1949, they attracted my
attention at once. I photographed them and brought them to the notice of scholars at
the fifteenth session of the All-India Oriental Conference held at Bombay in that year.
Later, some more panels were discovered at the same place. I have described them
elsewhere. 2 Here I shall take up some of the important ones.

1 See Plate A.

‘^Sarupa-Bharati, pp. 271 f.; S.I., Vol. II, pp, 272 f.

COKPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICAPUM

VOL. VI

Plate A

THE IMAGE OF TRIVIKRAMA FROM RAMTEK

Reg No 3977 E'36— I,I03'63.

(from photograph)

Printed at the Survey or Inou OrfiCES -P U, O i

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Ixi

One of these panels is now housed in a small hut erected for the purpose near the
asrama. It is 3' 8" by 3' 5" in size and is named Bharata-bheta. (Meeting of Bharata)h
There are four figures in this panel, viz-, Sita, Rama, Bharata and Lakshmana. One other
figure appears by the side of Sita, but it is partially cut. This panel, being more than 1500
years old, is now much worn out; but still the figures are fairly clear. Sita has clasped the
arm of Rama, who is speaking to Bharata. He has affectionately placed his left hand on the
right palm of Bharata. Rama’s face has a serene look. Bharata, who has slightly bent
down his face, appears delighted to meet Ids revered elder brother. Lakshmana, on the other
hand, has turned his face away and appears disconsolate. All of them are clad only in a
lower garment which appears striped as in the frescoes at Ajanta. Rama and Lakshmana
wear matted hair. Bharata’s hair has fallen on both his shoulders. All the figures are very
well modelled. Rama’s body appears graceful and Lakshmana’s muscular. There is no
artificiality seen anywhere in the modelling or pose of any of the figures. Naturalness,
restraint and simplicity, which are known to be the characteristics of the sculptures of the
Gupta age, are noticed in the figures of this panel. It must therefore be referred to the
Vakataka-Gupta age.

This panel is rightly named Bharata-bheta by Shri Vinoba, but this meeting of Rama
and Bharata is not the one which took place at Nandigrama after Rama’s return from
Lanka. It is the earlier one which occurred at Chitrakuta. We know from ’Valmiki’s
Rdmayana that Bharata, on his return to Aybdhya, came to know of the exile of Rama and
the death of Da^aratha. He at once decided to bring Rama back, and for that purpose start-
ed in search of him, accompanied by his ministers and army as well as the people of
Ayodhya. Rama was then staying at the Chitrakuta hill. When he noticed a large cloud
of dust in the distance, he asked Lakshmana to find out the cause of it. The latter climbed
a tree, and from the banner marked by the kbviddra tree, he inferred that Bharata was coming
towards them. He suspected that Bharata’s object in coming with a large army was to do
away with them and thus to get the throne permanently. Rama could, however, guess the
real purpose of Bharata’s visit. He tried to disabuse Lakshmana’s mind of that suspicion
by telling him that Bharata must be coming there to take them back to Aybdhya. But
Lakshmana was not convinced. 2 This attitude of Lakshmana’s mind is skilfully shown by
the sculptor in the present panels. While Rama and Bharata are engaged in a heart-to-
heart talk, Lakshmana is looking in the opposite direction. Indifference, if not positive
hostility, is imprinted on his face.

This panel, the interpretation of ^vhich is quite certain, affords a key to the understanding
of the other panels found near the dsrama. It shows that the temple to which it was affixed
must have been dedicated to Rama. The other panels also must, evidently, have been
related to some incident or other in the life of Rama. And this is what we actually find to be
the case; for, some of the other panels portray such events as the birth of Rama, the death
of Dasaratha, the departure of Rama and others to the forest, the fight of Sugriva and Valin,
etc. Most of these are now sadly mutilated. But there remains one which is fairly intact.

This panel,3 4' 4' by 2' 11' in size, portrays the scene when, in the course of the
fighting between Sugriva and Valin, the latter fell down, being hit by an arrow of Rama,
who, together with Lakshmana and Hanuman, had concealed himself behind some palm

1 See Plate B.

Rdmayana, IV, 17, 35-43; 18, 6-7; 18, 21.
3 See Plate G.

Ixii

INTRODUCTION

trees. 'When Valin fell down, Rama, Lakshmana and Hanuman approached him. Valin
then rebuked Rama for attacking him while he was engaged in fighting with another. Rama
justified his action on the ground that Valin deserved the extreme punishment as he had
violated his brother’s wife in utter disregard of the eternal law of moral conducts This
scene is portrayed in the panel. It shows four figures. Valin has fallen on the ground.
With his right hand he is supporting his head 'which was reeling with the loss of blood
caused by the wound. He is looking up to accost and rebuke Rama. ■ The latter is seen in
the pratyalidha postui'e, with the left knee advanced and the right leg drawn back. His left
hand is placed on the forward thigh, while the right hand is holding something. He
wears a small necklace and has an udarabandha and a katibandha. His body is gracefully
modelled. He has a haughty demeanour as he flings back the accusation of Valin and
justifies his own action. Lakshmana and Sugriva are standing behind Rama. The trees
from behind which Rama shot his arrow are shown by means of the conventional large
flowers in the upper right corner. They are of the same type as those in the well-known
panel of Ahalydddhdra (Redemption of Ahalya) in the Gupta temple at Deogadh in Madhya
Pradesh2. This beautiful panel undoubtedly belongs to the Vakataka-Gupta age.

The conjecture about the erection of a temple dedicated to Rama by Pravara-
sena H at his new capital Pravarapura, which was made by me several years ago, was based
only on the evidence of these panels and was not substantiated by any inscription. That
evidence has now become available unexpectedly. Recently, while digging in the courtyard
of Vinobaji’s dsrama, the image of a female deity, about 6 ft. in height, was discovered.^
Originally it was four-armed, but now all the arms are broken. The goddess wears several
beautifully carved necklaces, a vaikakshaka, an exquisitely carved mekhald (girdle) and
anklets. Her hair is modelled in a coiled fashion which was in vogue in the Gupta- Vakataka
age. Her face is serene. She is standing on a crocodile, which marks her out as the river
goddess Gahga. The identification is placed beyond doubt by the inscription carved to the
proper right side of her legs, viz. Gahgd Bhagavati [i.e. Goddess Ganga) . The characters of
the inscription closely resemble those of the Pattan plates of Pravarasena H and leave no
doubt that the image is of the Vakataka age. This find clearly shows that there was a
magnificent temple of that age just where Vinobaji’s dsrama is now situated.

As stated before, none of the temples built by the Vakatakas is now extant, but two
shrines erected by their feudatories are still standing, from which we can form a fair idea of
the religious buildings of that age.

The first of these is at Tigowa near Bahuribandh in the Jabalpur District of Madhya
Pradesh. Tigowa is probably a corruption of Trigrdma (Three Villages), the other two of the
triad being Angora and Deori. It is reported that there was, in ancient times, a large
town at Bahuribandh, which had TigSwa and the other villages as its suburbs. There is
still at Bahuribandh a colossal statue of the Jaina Tirthahkara Santinatha, with an inscrip-
tion of the reign of the Kalachuri king Gayakarna (11th century A.C.) on its pedestal,"^
which testifies to the importance of the place in old days. When Cunningham visited Tigdwa
in 1873-74, he noticed there, besides two Gupta temples, the foundations of as man\' as thirtv-
six shrines which had been utterly destroyed by a railway contractor. ^

^ Rdmdyana, II, 96, 18; 23-24.

2 The Gupta Temple at Deogarh (M.A.S.I., No. 70), plate XVI.

3 See Plate D.

^C.I.L, Vol. IV, pp. 309 f.

5C.d.5./., Vol. IX, p. 41.

C0RPU8 INSCRIPTION U.M INDICAKUM

VOL. VI

Plate ('

THE PANEL “KILLLNG OF VALI” FROM PAVNAR

Reg No 3977 E’36-1.t03'6d

(from photograph)

Printed AT THE Survey OF INDIA Offices P L O

VOL. VI.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

Plate D.

( i ) The Image of Gahga from Pavnar

(ii) The Inscription on the Image of Gahga

Reg No 3977 E’36— IJ03 63
0 C Sircar

Scale: One-half

Printed at the Survey of India Offices (P L 0 j

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Ixiii

Fortunately, there is still at Tigowa an old temple of the Gupta age in a good state of
preservation. It possesses all the common characteristics of the early Gupta temples* noticed
at SaHchi and Eran and may therefore be referred to the middle of the fifth century a.c.
Tigowa lies about 65 miles from Bandhogadh, which was probably the capital of the
Pandavavaihsi kings of Mekala. The temple may have been erected during the time of the
Pandavavarhsi king Bharatabala, who flourished in circa 450 a.c. As already shown^,
he was a feudatory of the Vakataka king Narendrasena. The temple at Tigowa may there-
fore be supposed to represent the temple architecture and sculpture of the Vakataka age.^

This temple^ is now dedicated to the goddess Kankali. It measures 12 ft. 9 in. in length
and breadth and has a flat roof. In front there is a portico supported on four pillars. The
middle intercolumniation is 2 ft. 9 in., while that on either side is only 2 ft. 6 in. Such
a difference is noticed in the porticos of the early temples at Sanchi, Udayagiri and Eran,
and is, therefore, supposed to be ‘one of the minor marks of the Gupta style’. All the four
pillars are exactly of the same type with a slight difference in their capitals. Each has a
plain square base. Above this it has an octagonal portion which is beautifully decorated
with lotus and other designs. The shaft then becomes sixteen-sided and thereafter circular.
This is surmounted by a fluted bell. From each corner of the square portion above the
bell a small foliated turnover hangs gracefully down. The square capital of each pillar
is decorated with two chaitya-window bosses, having the head of a man or a lion peeping
through them. The upper portion of the capital shows two couchant lions back to back
with some tree like the mango or the palm between them. The lions at the corners of
two adjacent sides have a common face. Similar capitals are noticed in the case of the
pillars of the Gupta temple at Eran.

The garbhagriha of this temple measures 8 ft. by 1\ ft. Its entrance door is decorated
with the designs of the custard-apple. Immediately above the door-frame there is a line of
7 square bosses, which, though used for decoration here, originally represented the ends
of the beams of a wooden structure. There is another line of thirteen square bosses just
below the roof. The architrave over the door frame is extended beyond the jambs of the two
sides, below' which appear the panels of the river-goddesses, the Gahga on the left and
the Yamuna on the right. The Gahga^ is shown in the tribhanga posture, standing on a
crocodile which is swallowing a human being. On her right is standing a female attendant
with some offerings which the goddess is touching with her right hand in token of acceptance.
On her left there is a male chowri-bearer. In her left hand the goddess has a fruit of the
custard-apple tree which has spread its branches over her head.

* These are thus stated by Cunningham : — (i) a flat roof without a spire ; (ii) prolongation of the
door-lintel beyond the jambs; (iii) statues of the Gahga and Yamuna guarding the entrance door;

(iv) pillars with massive capitals, ornamented with two lions back to back with a tree betw'een them;

(v) continuation of the architrave of the portico as a moulding all round the building etc. C.A.S.I. Vol.
IX, pp. 42-43.

2 Above, p. xxvi.

3 In later times the territory round Tigowa was included in the dominion of the Parivrajaka kings.
This is indicated by the Betul plates of Sahkshobha dated in the Gupta year 199 (518 A.G.), which
record the grant of two villages in the vishaya of Tripuri (modem Tewar near Jabalpur). There is no
reason to suppose that the Parivrajakas had extended their authority so far to the south as early as
450 A.C., to which date the Tigowa temple may be referred on the evidence of its architecture. In
this earlier age the country was probably included in the dominion of the Pandavavarh§is of Mekala,
who were feudatories of the Vakatakas.

^ See Plate E.

5 See Plate F.

Ixiv

INTRODUCTION

The figure of the goddess is beautifully modelled. She has a multi-stringed pearl
laldtikd in her hair, round kundalas on the ears, jewel and pearl necklaces, one of which
hangs down between her plump breasts, as well as a beautiful rasand, bracelets and anklets.
A long garland hangs down over her left leg. Her face shows perfect grace. This is one
of the best sculptures of that age.

There is a similar panel of the river goddess Yamuna^ to the right of the entrance
door. She is standing on a tortoise under a mango tree. She has held its branch with
her raised left hand and is plucking a fruit with the right. She has a male and a female
attendant on her right and left respectively. Both of them are standing on lotus stalks.

This temple at Tigowa has a flat roof and is therefore of an earlier age than the
Gupta temple at Deogadh which had a low piramidal spire. The latter is referred to the
early part of the sixth century A.c^. The temple at Tigowa may therefore be dated about
the middle of the fifth century" a.c. Some time later its portico was turned into a mandapa
by closing the opening on both the sides by means of sculptured slabs, and another portico
W 21 S added in front. The latter has now' totally disappeared except for a slab on the right
with the sculptured image of the Buddha incarnation of Vishnu, which appears to have been
added in a still later age.

Of the sculptured slabs used to close the opening of the original portico on the left,
the upper one contains an image of the eight-armed goddess Kali. She holds in her hands
a bow, a pattisa and other weapons as also two shields. She is surrounded on both the sides
by skeleton figures who are praying or making offerings to her. The lower panel on the
same side shows the four-armed god Vishnu sleeping on the coils of the serpent §esha, who has
spread his hoods over the god’s head. The god holds the discus and the conch in his left
hands. His upper right hand supports his head, while the lower one is in the abhaya-mudrd.
On the lotus which has sprung from his navel sits the god Brahma. Lakshmi, the consort
of Vishnu, is shampooing his feet. The upper slab on the right side has another panel of the
goddess Kali, while the lower one show's the Boar incarnation of Vishnu. On one of the
pillars of the portico there is the following inscription in three lines; Siddhih Setabhadra-
sthdna-sdmdnya-bhattaputra-Umadevah. Karnnakuvja-santpah. On the evidence of paleography
this inscription appears to be of about the eighth century A.C., which may also represent
the age when these sculptured slabs were added to close the openings on the two sides of
the original portico. As stated before, the panel of the Buddha incarnation must have
been added in a still later age.

Another temple of the Vakataka age exists at Nachna in former Vindhya Pradesh.^ Both
at Nachna and Ganj which lies only about two miles to its east, stone inscriptions of Vyaghra-
deva, a feudatory of the Vakataka king Prithivishena II, have been discovered.^ As shown
before, this Vyaghradeva is probably identical with the Uchchakalpa prince Vyaghra who
flourished in the last quarter of the fifth century A.C. This territory w'as, therefore,
undoubtedly included in the empire of the Vakatakas in that period. Cunningham found
two temples at Nachna, of which the earlier one, said to be dedicated to the goddess Parvati,
probably belongs to the Vakataka age.5 The garbhagriha has now no image on its pedestal.

1 See Plate G.

^The Gupta Temple at Deogarh (M.A.S.I., No. 70), p. 11.

3 See Plate H.

4 Nos. 20-22.

3 C.A.S.R., Vol. XXI, p. 96. Baneiji thought that this temple was decidedly of the early Gupta
period, i.e. 4th-5th century A.C. P.R.A.S.I., W.C. for 1918-19, p. 61.

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Lxv

This temple also is flat-roofed like that at Tigowa, but it is two-storeyed, the place
of the later spire being taken by a small chamber constructed over the garbhagriha. There
is no staircase to reach this upper chamber. It seems, therefore, to have been intended to
indicate the position of the sanctum. The roof of this chamber also is flat, clearly showing
that there was no sikhara over it. This chamber, in course of time, developed into the
sikhara, of which we find the earliest form in the Gupta temple at Deogadh.^ The temple
at Nachna is thus somewhat later than that at Tigowa, but earlier than the one at Deogadh.
It may therefore be referred approximately to the last quarter of the fifth century A.G.

Another peculiarity of the Parvati temple at Nachna is that it has a covered pradakshind-
patha (path of circumambulation) which is not noticed in the earlier Gupta temples
at Sanchi, Eran and Tigowa. Its garbhagriha is nearly square in plan, measuring 15 ft.
9 in. by 15 ft. It is surrounded on all sides by a roofed verandah, 5 ft. in width, closed
by a wall, three ft. thick, which serves as a path for circumambulation. The front wall
has an entrance opposite the door of the garbhagriha. In front of the entrance there is an
open unroofed court, nearly 12 ft. in length and breadth, which is approached by a flight
of steps. 2

The doorway of the garbhagriha is very richly decorated. The door-frame has two
bands.3 The inner one has at the bottom a haloed male door-keeper {pratihdra). Above
this there is a beautiful scroll of a creeper issuing from the navel of a squatting male figure.
The outer band has at the bottom the figure of the river goddess Ganga on the left and the
Yamuna on the right,'* above which there are small decorative panels of mithunas. The
pillars outside this door-frame are decorated with horizontal bands of various designs,
while the lintel over them has three beautiful chaitya- windows. At the end of the lintel on
either side there is a large figure of a goddess standing over a lotus and attended by a female.
‘The figures of this temple’, says Cunningham, ‘are much superior to all mediaeval sculpture,
both in the ease and gracefulness of their attitudes as well as in the real beauty of form. ’5

The upper chamber is quite plain, both inside and outside. It is lighted by means
of two chaitya-windows, one in each side wall. The garbhagriha receives its light through
two windows of simple square holes fixed in its side walls just opposite the chaitya-windows
in the outer walls of the pradakshind-patha. The outer faces of the walls are carved to imitate
rock-work, lions, bears, peacocks, monkeys, deer, yakshas, gams, etc. being sculptured here
and there in small niches to give them the appearance of caves.

The external appearance of the temple at Nachna shows that its form was imitated
from a rock-cut cave. In fact the earliest existing shrines in India are in the form of rock-
cut vihdras and chaityas. The artists of ancient Vidarbha excelled in this art also. Some
of the most magnificent caves at Ajanta hewn out of solid rock, which still exist in a fair
condition, testify to the skill of the artisans of that age. The Vihara caves X\T and XVII
and the Chaitya Cave XIX — all of which belong to the Vakataka age — are, according to
Burgess, both from their architecture and their paintings, as full of beauty and interest as
any caves in the West of India.®

Of these three caves, Cave XVI was excavated by Varahadeva, who was a minister

1 The Gupta Temple at Deogarh (M.A.S.I., No. 70), p. 8.

2 See the plan of the temple. C.A.S.R., Vol., XXI, pi. XXV.

3 See PI. XVI in P.R.A.S.I., U’.C. for 1918-19. See also Plate H.

“* These river goddesses appear just below the prolonged lintel of the temple at Tigowa.
5C.A.S.R., Vol. XXI, p. 96.

6C.r./., p. 302.

Ixvi

INTRODUCTION

of the Vakataka Emperor Harishena. It is in some respects the most elegant of all caves.
Its verandah, 65 ft. long by 10 ft. 8 in. wide, has six plain octagonal pillars and two beautifully
carved pilasters. i The hall inside is entered by three doors, of which the middle one is larger
than the t^vo side ones. There is also a window on each side, between the middle and the
side door. The pilaster on either side of the main door has the figure of the river goddess
Gahga standing on a crocodile.

The mandapa or hall inside is 66 ft. 3 in. long, by 65 ft. 3 in. deep and 15 ft. 3 in. high.
It is supported by twenty pillars, sixteen of which are of plain octagonal shape, while the
remaining four — two in the middle of each of the from and back rows — ^have square bases
and change first to 8 and then to 16 sides, with square heads and bracket capitals. The
front aisle is somewhat longer than the back one. Its roof is cut in imitation of beams
and rafters, supported by brackets in the form of kinnaras and apsarases. There are six
cells on each side, two in the back wall, and one at each end of the verandah. There is
no antechamber, the chaitya-mandim (shrine) being entered from three doors in the back
aisle. Tlie latter contains a gigantic statue of the Buddha in the dharmachakra-pravartana-
mudra, sitting in the pralambapdda posture on a lion seat. He is attended by Vajrapani
on the right and Padmapani on the left, with chauris in their hands. There is space for
pradakshind round the image of the Buddha.

The inscription at the left end of the verandah describes this cave in the following words;-®
‘This dwelling which is adorned with \vindows, doors, beautiful picture-galleries, ledges, statues
of the nymphs of Indra and the like, is ornamented with beautiful pillars and stairs, and has a tem-
ple of the Buddha inside The picture-galleries referred to as su-vithi in this verse covered the
walls of the \'eraridah and the hall inside, but many of them have now been very sadly mutilated.

Both Cave XVI and XVII \vere excavated and decorated with paintings in the same
period, viz-, the reign of the Vakataka king Harishena. The artists appear to have done
the work with a definite plan. The paintings in Cave XVI mostly describe the incidents
in the last life of the Buddha, while those in Cave XVII generally illustrate the events of his
past li\ cs. There are indeed a few Jdtaka scenes depicted in Cave XVI, but they are con-
fined to the walls of its verandah and the front corridor. For instance, the story of the Sutasoma
Jdtaka, in which Sutasoma, by his spiritual power, compels the cannibal king Saudasa to give up
his evil habit, is painted on the architrave above the front pillars of the verandah. Similarly,
the stories of the Hasti Jdtaka, in wdiich an elephant sacrifices himself in order to save the
lives of hungr\- travellers, and the Mahd-Ummagga Jdtaka, in which the child Mahosadha
solves difficult riddles, are painted on the w'alls of the front corridor.

The incidents in the life of Cautama Buddha can be divided into tw^o parts, viz., (i)
those that happened before he turned the Wheel of the Law, i.e., preached his doctrine in
the Deer Park at Sarnath and (ii) those that occurred subsequent to that event. As stated
before, the chaitya-mandira or garbhagriha of Cave XVI has an image of the Buddha in the
dharmachakra-pravartana-mudrd. It therefore furnishes the dividing point of the paintings in
this cave. Those on the wall of the right corridor are chronologically arranged, commenc-
ing from the scene of Conception.'^ In the painting above the first and second cell-doors

^See Plate I.

2No. 25, V. 24.

^Ajanta, Part III, pp. 44 f.

4 The chronological sequence of the paintings becomes quite evident if we commence at the right
end of the right corridor and walk round the hall from right to left. It also helps in the interpretation
of some of the frescoes. In his excellent work Ajanta Mr. Yazdani has, however, followed the opposite
order in describing the paintings of this cave. It is, of course, the usual order of pradakshind.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE I

THE PLAN OF CAVE XVI AT AJANJA

Index of Paintings in Cave XV! at Ajanta
( The Numbers are as in the Plan of the Cave.)

1. The Dream of Queen Maya.

2 The Visit of the Sage Asita.

3. Siddhartha at School and his Practice of Archery.

4. Scenes from the Life of the Buddha; the Four Signs.

5 The Offering of Trapusha and Bhallika; the Offering of Sujata
6. The Buddha preaching to the Congregation .

7 The Visit of Aiata^atru to the Buddha.

8. Flying Apsarases: the Buddha in the teaching attitude

9. The Manushl Buddhas.

1 0 The Buddha's Visit to Kapilavastu: Nanda's Coronation : His Conversion

1 1 . Dying Sundari .

12. The Maha-Ummagga Jataka,

13. The Hasti Jataka.

14. The Buddha preaching in Tushita Heaven.

Reg No 3977 E‘36— 1103 ’62

Printed AT THE Survey OF INDIA Offices (P L O.i

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Ixvii

from the right, queen Maya is shown sleeping on a bed. As the fresco is \'cry much damaged,
we notice onlv one of her feet resting on a round pillow. Two maids are sleeping near her
feet. This is evidently the scene in which Maya saw in a dream a celestial white elephant
enter her womb. The roof of the chamber in which she is sleeping is supported on high
wooden pillars decorated with horizontal bands at the bottom, in the middle and at the top.
The roof is further ornamented with chaitya \vindows with lotus designs in the centre. To
the left of this chamber there is a low gate ^vith a barrel-shaped roof which leads to a circular
pavilion where we notice Maya relating her dream to king Suddhodana. Some of her maids
are sitting on the ground, eagerly listening to tlic account. The ligure ot the maid
who is standing nearby is specially graceful. ^

In the painting on the left we notice the sage Asita holding the infant Siddhartha
in his arms and predicting his future career. To the left of tins there is another scene in which
we find Siddhartha taking lessons from his guru, svith his companions silting round him.
He wears a long coat and a conical cap with a ribbon tied round it. In the scene below
we find the prince practising archery. His companions are sitting on low stools, watching
his skill. 2

On the wall between the third and fourth cell doors arc painted latc” e..e;iis in the life
of voting Siddhartha, such as his first meditation duriixg the Ploughing Ecstit al and his
seeing the four signs of old age, disease, death and renunciation.3

On the wall above the third and fourth cell-doors we notice some eximts whiclt
happened soon after Siddhartha attained enlightenment, i.e. became the Buddha. Two
merchants named Trapusha and Bhallika, who saw the Buddha alter his trance, made
offerings of honey and rice-cakes to him. On the left of this scene wc notice the noble lady
Sujata cooking milk-rice for the Buddha and later offering it to him and to four other
hermits who were with liim."^

As the garbhagriha has die image of the Buddha in the teaching attitude, the paintings
on the xvalls of the back corridor to the right and left of tlic doorway appropriatelx portray
the scenes of the Buddha preaching to congregations. The frescoes here arc \ cry much
damaged, but from what remains of them we can conjecture tlie occasions. On tiie left
wall the Buddha is shown sitting on a lion scat, with his feet resting on a full-blown large
lotus, the stalk of w hich is held by two Naga kings ivho are marked out by the hoods on their
heads. He is attended by a Bodhisattva on cither side. Among the congregation are seen on
the left several young ladies and a prince sitting in a rcverenlial attitude. He is probably
Ajatasatru, the king Magadha.^ On the right arc noticed some hermits with shaven
heads as well as some men and women. On the wall to the right of the doorw ax' there
was probably the scene of the Buddha preaching to the gods in the Tushita heaven.

We shall next proceed to describe the paintings on the wall of the left corridor. The
frescoes on the right side of the fourth cell door are \ ery much damaged, but the figure
of a flying apsaras to the right of the Buddha is still in a fairly good condition. She is dressed
only in a striped loin cloth {ardlwruka). She wears a laldtikd with a pendant hanging-
over her forehead. Her curly hair, dangling kunda/as, ekavali of large pearls, armlets and
bracelets are drawn with skill. Her pose shows movement in the air. She is looking

^Ajanta, Part III, pi. LXII.

2lbid., Part III, pi. LXIII.

^Ajanta, Part III, pi. LXIII.

^Ibid., Part III, pi. LIX

^Ibid., Part III, pi. LVII

Ixviii

INTRODUCTION

eagerly towards the Buddha. Her inward feeling is suggested by the gestures of her hands. i

The original painting above the third cell door was probably damaged in course of time
and was replaced by another containing figures of the Manushi Buddhas in two rows. The
lower row has four Buddhas sitting on round seats with cushions behind their back and triple
umbrellas over their heads. The upper row has seven or eight Buddhas of the same type.
All of them are in the teaching attitude. The figures appear conventional and may have
been drawn by the monks Bhadanta Dharmadatta and Bhadanta Bappuka whose names
are mentioned in the painted records below. 2

The frescoes o\ er the first and second cell-doors of the left corridor as well as those on
the left wall of the front corridor narrated the story of the conversion of Nanda, the half-
brother of the Buddha. The paintings here are very much damaged, but some of the
scenes can still be recognised. After his enlightenment the Buddha visited Kapilavastu.
Nanda was then about to be consecrated as heir apparent. When the Buddha came to the
royal palace he was greeted by his wife Yasodhara and son Rahula. The Buddha then met
Nanda and handed him his begging bowl. Nanda follo^ved him and consented to join
the order. His head was therefore shaved and he was ordained. But he began to pine for
his beautiful wife Sundari. So the Buddha took him to heaven and showed him celestial
nymphs. They were so superior to his wife that he consented to continue in the order for
obtaining one of them. The story is narrated in the Buddhist canon as well as in the
Saundarananda of Asvaghosha.

Some of the incidents in this story such as the visit of the Buddha to Kapilavastu, the
consecration of Nanda, Ids conversion and subsequent pining for his beautiful wife are
illustrated in the extant frescoes. But the painting which has evoked unstinted praise
from art-critics is that of the last incident in this story. When Nanda decided to continue
in the monastic order, his crown was brought to his wife Sundari. At its sight the latter
sank with grief. This scene which has long been known as that of ‘ the dying princess ’ is
painted in the fresco in the left corridor between the pilaster and the first cell-door.3 Sundari
is sitting on a low seat, her back resting on a round cushion. Her drooping head, half-closed
eyes and languid limbs indicate the great shock she has received at the sight of the crown
brought before her. A maid is supporting her from behind lest she might fall down, while
the lady who is sitting beside her is looking into her face with a sorrowful gaze, and is holding
her wrist as if to feel her pulse. Another maid ’with a pankhd who is standing nearby has
shown her grief by the contortion of her body as she looks askance at her sinking mistress.
Behind the pavilion, two other maids are anxiously discussing the condition of the lady.
The peacock on the top of the pavilion appears also to feel the grief and to share in the
anxiety of the maids. It has lengthened its neck as if to listen to what the maids outside
the pavilion are saying about the condition of its mistress. Mr. Griffith has paid a well-
deserved tribute to this fresco. Says he, ‘ For pathos and sentiment and the unmistakable
way of telling its story this picture, I consider, cannot be surpassed in the history of art.
The Florentines could have put better drawing, and the Venetians better colour, but neither
could have thrown greater expression into it.

A flight of steps leads down from the front of Cave XVI and turns to the left into a

^Ajanta, Part III, pi. LV(c)

^Ibid., Part III, pp. 55 f.; 94 f.

^Ajanta Part III, pJ. LII. The credit of identifying ‘the dying princess’ with Nanda’s wife belongs
to Mr. G. Yazadani. The order of the fresco shows that the identification is probably correct ^
^C.T.L, p. 307. See Plate J. t' y .

DYING SUNDARl

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE J

>mO vifiNt to AJAftos iHi iv tjlifil ;,J j;9 ^ ON •>

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Ixix

small excavation, on the back wall of which is carved the figure of a Naga-raja, seated on the
coils of a serpent, whose hoods spread over his high flat-topped mukuta. This is probably
the dwe llin g of the Lord of the Nagas {Nagendra-vlsma), to which a reference is made in
the inscription in Cave XVI d As the artisans and painters who excavated and painted the
caves at Ajanta belonged to the Naga race, such images of the Naga-raja are found sculptured
in the caves there.

As stated before, two other caves at Ajanta, viz., the Vihara Cave XVII and the
Chaitya Cave XIX belong to the \^a.kataka age. They were excavated by a ruler of
Rishika (modern Khandesh) who owed allegiance to the Vakataka Emperor Harishena.
His name is unfortunately lost, as his inscription^ in Cave XVII is now very badly mutilat-
ed. From the extant portion of it we learn, however, that by the premature death of his
younger brother Ravisamba, this prince became convinced of the transitoriness of worldly
existence and so he got these caves excavated and dedicated them to the Buddhist Sangha
at Ajanta.

Cave XVH, which is of the Vihara type, generally resembles Cave XVI described
before. Its verandah in front measures 64 ft. in length and 10 ft. in breadth and is support-
ed by six plain octagonal pillars with a pilaster at each end, which is exquisitely carved.^
The hall is entered by a large central door and also by a smaller one at the left end. There
is a window on the left between the large and the small door and two more on the right,
one large and the other small. The mandapa or Hall inside is 64 ft. wide by 62 ft. deep and
13 ft. high. Its roof is supported by twenty pillars, of which sixteen are octagonal and plain,
while the remaining four— two middle ones in each of the front and back rows— have square
bases with shafts changing into octagonal and sixteen-sided, which are decorated with
exquisite carving and painting. Behind the mandapa there is an antechamber [antardla),
17 ft. 9 in. in width and 8 ft. 5 in. in depth, leading into the chaitya-mandira (shrine), which
measures 17 ft. 9 in. in width and 19 ft. 6 in. in depth. The door-frame of the shrine is
decorated with three bands, of which the inner and the outer have beautiful scroll work,
while the middle one has alternating figures of seated and standing Buddhas. On either
side of the lintel there is a figure of the river goddess Ganga standing on a crocodile. Inside
the shrine there is a large image of the Buddha sitting cross-legged in the Togdsana posture,
with his hands in the Dharmachakra-pravartana-rnudra. He has a halo round his face and his
hair is arranged in schematic curls. The lobes of his ears are extended. He wears an
antardvdsaka or lower garment and a sankakshikd which goes over the left and under the right
arm. At the back of the throne there is a crocodile at the top on either side, from the
mouth of which a man is trying to leap out. On the front face of the throne are carved
two crouching deer with a wheel between them, symbolising the deer-park at Sarnath,
where the Buddha first turned the Wheel of the Law. On the proper right side of the
Buddha stands Padmapani and on the left Vajrapani, both carrying a chauri or fly-whisk.
There are two more attendants near the throne; that on the right carries the Buddha’s
begging bowl, while that on the left has something in his hand which is not quite clear.
Above, two flying vidyddharas are seen — one on each side— carrying offerings to the
Buddha.^

This cave has, in all, eighteen cells — one at each end of the verandah, six in each of

iNo. 25, V. 25.

2No. 27.

3 See Plate K.

‘^Ajanta, Part IV, pi. Ill, (b).

INTRODUCTION

ixx

the w alls of the n'glit and left corridor, and two on each side of the back door of the halh
It is also provided with a fine cistern of water which is approached by a flight of steps
between this cave and Cax e X\T. It is specifically mentioned in the inscription^ at the left
end of the x crandah.

As stated before, this cave was excavated by a prince who was overwhelmed with
sorrow at the premature death of his younger brother. It is stated in the afore-mentioned
inscription that he used to wait upon persons who possessed great learning, liberant),
compassion, contentment, friendship, forgiveness, courage and wisdom. It is therefore
not surprising that the paintings in the cave excavated by him should ihustiate the tales
preaching these \artues. We have seen above that the frescoes in C^ave X\ I mostly
describe the incidents in the last life of the Buddha. This cave contains very few' paintings
of that type, w hile it abounds w ith those describing the past lives of the Buddha, in which
one or other of the afore-mentioned virtues was exemplified. The paintings may also ha\e
been utilised by the monks in illustrating their sermons.

Ca\'e X\TI contains now' more paintings than any other cave at Ajanta, and most
of them are in a fairly good condition. It is not possible to describe them ail in detail,
but we mav indicate their position briefly and point out the salient features of a few of
them.

On the back w all of the verandah to the left of the main door there are some paintings
which are supposed to illustrate the Vih'antara Jdtaka, though there are more and detailed
pictures of this Jdlaka inside the Hall. There arc indeed some incidents portrayed here
which support this identification, r/c-, the distribution of gifts including costly necklaces to
suppliants, the exile of a prince and a princess i\dsvantara and MMrf), the flying
Indra, who, according to the story, came to Visvantara to ask for the gift of his wife, etc.
The picture of fil ing Indra, gandharcas and apsarascs is specially noteworthy. Indra is fair
in complexion and has a noble mien. He wears a high crow n and beautiful jewelled neck-
laces, armlets and bracelets. His vaikakshaka is thrown backward as he flies through the air.
He wears an ardhoruka which is fastened round his \vaist by means of a beautiful jewelled
katibandha with a dagger and a sword fixed in it. The clouds through which he and his
attendants flv are shown by means of white and blue cur\ e.s and patches. This is one of the
most fascinating small paintings at Ajanta and well illustrates the artist's .skill in portraying
flying figures. 2

On the back of the \ erandah, above the two windows to the right of the main door,
is painted an incident in the life of the Buddha, in which he calmed a furious elephant
named Nalagiri which was let loose against him in Rajagriha at the instigation of Devadatta.
The infuriated elephant running through the streets of Rajagriha, demolishing wooden
structures, lifting up men and animals with its trunk and causing consternation among
the people, is \ ividly portrayed. In the next scene it is seen kneeling down meekly before the
Buddha, who blesses it with his hand. The men and women in the shops and galleries of
the houses nearby are hlled with amazement and reverentially fold their hands. 3 The
whole scene is very realistic and testifies to the imagination and skill of the artist.

On the left wall of the verandah, abo\ e the cell-door, is painted a huge wheel which
was supposed to represent the Zodiac and so this cave was called ‘ the Zodiac Gave ’•
The correct \iew, howe\er, is that it is the wheel of Samsara (worldly existence). In

iNo. 27, V. 26.

2 Ajanta. Part III, pi. LXVH.

3 Ibid., Part III, pi. LXXIV.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI.

PLATE K

THE PLAN OF CAVE XVII AT AJANTA

1.-2.

3 .

4 .

6 .

7 .

8 .
9

10 .
11 .
12

13.

14 .

Index of Paintings in Cave XVII at Ajanta
( The Numbers are as in the Plan of the Cave.)

Sc^es from the Vlsvantara Jataka.

Flying Indra and Apsarases.

The Manushi Buddha.

Gandharvas and Apsarases adoring the Buddha.
The Taming of the Furious Elephant Nalagiri.
The wheel of Samsara.

The Shad-danta Jataka.

The Mahakapi Jataka.

The Hast! Jataka.

The Harhsa Jataka.

The Vlsvantara Jataka.

The Sutasoma Jataka.

The Buddha preaching in the Tushita Heaven.

15 The Buddha, Yasodhara and Rahufa

16. The Miracle at iravastT.

17. The iarabha Jataka.

18. The Matri-poshaka Jataka.

1 9. The Matsya Jataka

20. The Syama Jataka.

21 . The Mahisha Jataka.

22. The Simhalavadana.

23. The itbi Jataka.

24. The Mriga Jataka.

25. The Rjksha Jataka.

26. The Nyagr5dha-mriga Jataka.

Reg No 3977 E’36~U03'62.

Printed at the Survey of India Offices 'P L, OJ

COEPUS INSCEIPTIOXUM IXDICAEUM

VOL. VI _ PLATE L

GEEEDY JUJAKA RECEIVING RANSOM MONEY

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Lxxi

Buddhist as in Hindu literature, worldly existence is concei\’ed as a gigantic wheel which
rev olves all creatures through a series of life and deathd

The present wheel was designed to have eight divisions marked by its spokes iasht-
dra-chakra) , but only five of them can be made out, the remaining three not havdng been
completed owing to the position of the cell-door. The wheel contains various scenes of village
and town life. It is shown as revolved by the hands of some being of colossal size, probably
representing Karman.

As stated before, the stories of the past lives of the Buddha are illustrated in the
frescoes on the walls of this mandapa. We find, for Instance, the stories of the Shad-danta
Jdtaka, the Mahdkapi Jdtaka and the Hasti Jdtaka painted on the outer wall of the front
corridor inside the Hall to the right of the main entrance, 2 the Hamsa Jdtaka on the left
wall of the same corridor^ and the Visvantara Jdtaka, the Mahdkapi Jdtaka (II) and the
Sutasoma Jdtaka on the wall of the left corridor.'^ Some scenes of the Visvantara Jdtaka
were, of course, painted on the back wall of the v'erandah, but its whole story could not be
narrated there probably for want of space. It is, therefore, repeated on the wall of the left
corridor from the first to the fourth cell-door. The different incidents of the story such as
Msvantara taking leav^e of his father and mother before proceeding into exile, the departure
of the prince and the princess, the giving away of the little children Jalin and Krishnajina
to the Brahmana Jujaka, and finally, their restoration by the latter to the king, their grand-
father, in consideration of a large sum of money paid as ransom, are all painted with great
skill. The last scene when Jujaka appears in the royal court to receiv e the ransom money
is specially noteworthy. Mr. Yazdani has described it in the following words: — ‘The
artist has delineated all the ugly features of Jujaka — the broken teeth, the goaty beard,
the parrot-like nose and small, uncanny eyes, combined with the brightness which has
come over his face at the jingle of the money which the royal treasurer is pouring into his
outspread scarf. The expression of joy may also be perceived from the treatment of his eyes,
and the artist has further enhanced it by placing high lights on the nose and lips of the
Brahmana^. ’ The king holds the last coin in his hand which he is apparently throwing
into the Brahmana’s scarf with a contemptuous look. The artist has shown, with evident
humour, the Brahmana with an open umbrella even when he appears in the royal court.

As shown below, the frescoes on the wall of the right corridor also relate Jdtaka tales.
The only paintings which narrate incidents in the last life of the Buddha inside this cave are
noticed on the right and left vv'alls of the antardla (antechamber) and those of the Chaitya-
mandira (sanctum). As stated before, the sanctum contains an image of the Buddha in
the teaching attitude. The frescoes outside, therefore, fittingly describe the incidents which
happened soon after the Buddha turned the WTeel of the Lavv^

On the left wall of the antardla we see a painting in which the Buddha is discoursing
upon the Law to his mother and the gods and goddesses of the Tushita Heaven. He is next
shown to have descended to the world of men by means of a ladder. He then preaches
the Law to the kings, queens, noblemen and others who have come to see him. The
Buddha is seated on a throne in the pralambapdda posture and dharrnachakra-pravartana-mudrd,
with Padmapani and Vajrapani attending upon him. To his right are Bimbisara, the

^Ajanta, Part IV, pi. IV-VI.

2jbid., Part IV, plates X-XIV.

^Ibid., Part IV, pi. XVII.

^Ibid., Part IV, pi. XIX-XXXVII.

^ Ajanta, Part IV, p. 49. See Plate L.

Ixxii

INTRODUCTION

king of Magadha, his son Ajatasatru, his queen and some other chiefs with round or conical
head-dresses. One of them who has prominent mustaches and a beard and also a conical
head-dress may represent a §aka or Kushana chief, such as may occasionally have been
noticed at the Vakataka court. To the left of the Buddha are several monks, of whom two
who are prominent may be identified with Sariputra and Maudgalyayana. The eyes of all
are turned towards the Buddha who is expounding the Law. The monk next to Sariputra
may be Ananda, the chief disciple of the Buddha, who, from the gestures of his hand, seems
to be answering the questions put to him by the Buddhah The artist has been able to
paint this great composition with perfect ease and consummate skill.

On the back wall of the antardla to the left of the shrine door, there is the well-known
painting of the Buddha greeted by his wife and son, Yasbdhara and Rahula^. Having
received the intimation that the Buddha has come to Kapilavastu and may visit the palace
in the course of the begging round, Yasodhara has put on her best garments and ornaments
and stands at the door with her son Rahula, who also is similar dressed, expecting the arrival
of the Buddha. In the present fresco^ the Buddha is shown in a very large size, suggestive
of his spiritual gi'eatness. The figures of Yasodhara and Rahula are purposely drawn
much smaller in size as compared with him. The Buddha has matted hair on his head
and a halo round his face. He is clad in a reddish long gown and carries a green beg-
ging bowl in his right hand. His head is slightly inclined towards Yasodhara. His
face shows philosophic calm, mingled with compassion for Yasodhara, whom he finds still
attached to wwldly life. Yasodhara has placed Rahula in front, suggesting thereby that for
his sake, if not for hers, the Buddha should come back to the householder’s life. Rahula
has spread both his hands to ask for his heritage as instructed. Both he and Yasodhara
have fixed their eyes on the Buddha’s face, anxiously awaiting to hear what he would
say to them. A vidyadhara has held an umbrella over the Buddha’s head and flowers are
being showered over him from the sky. This painting has evoked highest praise for its
sublimity, suggestiveness and skilful delineation of human emotion.

On the right wall of the antardla there is a painting of the miracle which the Buddha
performed at Sravasti at the request of king BimbisaraL Accepting the challenge of some
naked sramanas who wanted to cause a schism in the Sangha, the Buddha assumed numerous
forms to confound his opponents. The artist has shown considerable humour in drawing
the burly figures of the naked sramanas.

On the rear wall of the back corridor to the right of the antardla are painted the
following Jdtakas in order — -the Sarabha Jdtaka, the Mdtriposhaka Jdtaka, the Matsya Jdtaka
and the Sydma Jdtaka^. The story of the last of these is similar to that of Sravana in the
Rdmdyana of Valmiki^. Next, the Mahisha Jdtaka is painted on the right wall of the back
corridor^.

On the whole wall of the right corridor is painted the story of the Sirhhala Avaddna^.
The story is told in the Divydvaddna, but, as Mr. Yazdani has shown, the frescoes here

^Ajanta, Part IV, pi. XXXVIII-XL.
‘^Ibid., Part IV, pi. XL-XLI.

3 See Plate M.

^Ajanta, Part IV, pi. XLIII.

^Ibid., Part IV, plates XLIV-XLIX.
^Rdmdyana, II, 63, vv. 22 f.

Ajanta, Part IV, pi. LI a.

^Ibid., Part IV, plates LI b-LXIV a.

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PLATE M

THE BUDDHA, YASODHARA AND RAHULA

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Ixxi'ii

show some deviation from it. Further, on the right wall of the front corridor is painted the
story of the Sibi Jdtaka^ and on the front wall of the same corridor to the left of the main
entrance are painted those of the following Jdtakas, viz., the Rum Jdtaka, the Riksha Jdtaka
and the Nyagrbdhamriga Jdtaka.'^

Besides, the ceilings of the Hall and the right and left corridors are decorated with
painted designs of various kinds. The ceiling of the Hall has, inside a large square, seven
concentric circular bands with a circular pattern in the centre. The bands have various
decorative designs such as those of jewellery, creepers with leaves and flowers, pearl strings,
etc. The space at the corners of the square is filled with flying figures with offerings of
flowers. In the decorative designs round the large circle and elsewhere on the ceiling of
the Hall the heads of animals such as lions, elephants, horses, buffaloes, deer, etc. as well as
some fabulous creatures are ingeniously interwoven in the scrolls of creepers^. As
Mr. Yazdani has observed, ‘ the colour-schemes of these subjects also show a highly develop-
ed art, since the different colours are most harmoniously blended and are most pleasant to
the eye In view of the magnificent architecture, sculpture and painting in this cave
there is hardly any exaggeration in the description in its inscription that ‘ the Vihara cave
is such as cannot be even imagined by little-souled persons^’. It is undoubtedly ‘ the
finest monument of its kind in India, and perhaps in the whole world^’.

Like Cave XVH, Cave XIX at Ajanta was excavated by the ruler of Rishika who was
a feudatory of the Vakataka Emperor Harishena. It is one of the four Chaitya caves at Ajanta
and is referred to as Gandhakuti in the inscription in Cave XVIP. It is regarded as ‘ one
of the most perfect specimens of the Buddhist art in India ’. In front of it was an enclosed
court, 33 ft. wide by 30 ft. deep, but the left side of it has now almost entirely gone. It has
an elegant porch in front supported on two pillars which are decorated with horizontal
bands of the lotus motif, and have finials of the dmalaka type^. The lintel over them is
decorated with two horizontal bands of chaitya windows, with another of kitimukhas between
them. The whole facade of the cave is covered from top to bottom with figures of the
Buddhas in various attitudes, standing or seated, single or in pairs, as also with floral designs
and chaitya windows with pairs of lovers {mithunas) dallying with each other. In the centre
there is a large horse-shoe arch, with horizontal ribs carved in stone, which lights the
interior of the Gandhakuti. On each side there is a yaksha — Pafichika on the left and
Purnabhadra on the right. They are dressed in transparent garments and have beautiful

^Ajanta, Part IV, plates LXVC-LXVII.

‘^Ibid., Part IV, plates LXVIII-LXXX.

^Ibid., Part IV, plates LXXXI-LXXXIV.

^Ibid., Part IV, p. 107.

5 No. 27, V. 25.

^Ajanta, Part IV, p. 11.

7 This cave lies to the west of Cave XVII and thus answers to the description of the Gandhakuti
mentioned in the inscription. Mr. Yazdani doubts this identification and suggests that the Gandhakuti
may have been ‘ an insignificant chapel ’ which has now disappeared owing to the disintegration of the
rock above Cave XVIII. This is, however, in direct opposition to the description in the inscription
that the Gandhakuti was uddra or magnificent. We have no reason to suppose that there was exaggeration
in this. As for the argument that this cave appears to be later than Cave I on the evidence of the
decorative features of the triforium, we may cite the opinion of Burgess — ‘ From its position and its
style of architecture, there can be little doubt that it is of about the same age as the two \fiharas XVI
and XVII which are next to it’. C.T.L, p. 317.

8See Plate N.

Ixxiv

INTRODUCTION

coiffures and jewellery i. Outside, in a niche at the bottom of the left wall of the court
there is a beautiful panel of the Nagaraja and his wife. A serpent has spread its seven hoods
over the head of the Nagaraja. Another hood is seen over the head of his wife. Both of
them wear high jewelled crowns and several ornaments. To the proper right of the Nagaraja
there is an attendant with a chauri^. As stated before, there is a similar panel of the Nagaraja
and his wife in a small excavation near Cave XVI also.

Inside, the Gandhakuti is 24 ft. wide by 46 ft. long and 24 ft. 4 in. high. The earlier
caves of this type were perfectly plain, but this is elaborately carved. The nave has 15
pillars, 1 1 ft. high. They have a square base, above which their shaft becomes first octagonal
and then circular, with horizontal bands of beautiful tracery. The circular portion is
either plain or decorated with perpendicular or spiral flutes. Above this is the dmalaka
portion which is surmounted by a bracket capital with the figure of the seated Buddha in
the middle and elephants, sdrdulas or flying gandharvas on the brackets. Above a plain
architrave there is an entablature, 5 ft. high, which is divided into compartments by
vertical bands of various designs^. The compartments contain images of the Buddha, stand-
ing or seated. The dome rises 8 ft. 4 in. high.

The Chaitya contains, inside a niche and under an arch resting on two beautifully
carved demi-pillars, a bas-relievo figure of the Buddha clad in a long robe. Above the dome
is the usual harmikd with a small image of the seated Buddha surmounted by three
umbrellas one over another, each being upheld by four figures on four sides. The roof of
the aisles is flat and is decorated with flower scrolls, figures of the Buddha, etc. The walls
also have paintings of the Buddhas with halos, seated or standing.

This is the first instance of a chaitya cave wholly in stone. In earlier caves like that
at Karle the ribs of the nave and the umbrellas ov^er the chaitya were in wood. Here they
are all in stone. ‘ Nothing in or about it is or ever was in wood, and many parts are
so lithic in design that if we did not know to the contrary, we might not be able to detect
at once the originals from which they were derived. The transformation from wood to
stone is complete in this cavel

Some more caves of the Vakataka age exist near the village Gulwada, about 1 1 miles west
of Ajanta. They are known as the Ghatbtkacha caves and were excavated, like Cave XVI
at Ajanta, by Varahadeva, a minister of the Vakataka king Harishena. They are situated
in a deep gorge.

There were apparently three caves excavated here, of which only two are now extant,
the third being known only from some traces left behind. Both the caves that are still
standing were of the vihdra type, but the pillars and pilasters of the smaller one are now
almost entirely destroyed, only the bracket of a pillar and a pilaster still remaining. The
bracket has the curious representation of four deer with common head. It will be remem-
bered that the capitals of the pillars of the temple at Tigowa had at the corners the repre-
sentations of two lions with a common head.

The larger cave, however, is in a fairly good state of preservation, though in its case
also, the front pillars of the verandah are completely destroyed. There is a mutilated inscrip-
tions on the back wall of the verandah at the north end, from which we learn that it

^Ajanta, Part IV, pi. LXXV (a).
"^Ibid., Part IV, pi. LXXVI (b).
^Ibid., Part IV, pi. LXXV (b).
^C.T.L, p. 317.

5 No. 26.

was

COEPUS INSCEIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE O

THE PLAN OF THE GHATOTKACHA CAVE

Reg No 3977 E’36 ~h03 *61.

Pbinteo at the Survey of India Offices (P L, O.j,

ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND PAINTING

Ixxv

excavated by Varahadeva, a minister of Harishena. It gives his pedigree from the begin-
ning, but as its lower part is sadly mutilated, all information about the purpose for which
it w'as excavated and the Buddhist Sahgha to which it was dedicated is now lost. Another
inscription carved over the figure of the Buddha on one of the pillars of the cave contains
the well-known Buddhist creed, Te dharmma Ketu-prabhavah, etc.

The larger cave generally resembles Cave XVI at Ajanta, though there are some
minor differences in its planh At either end of the verandah there is a chapel, with two
pillars betw'een pilasters in front and a small cell at the back. The hall is entered by three
doors, the central one being larger than the tw'o side ones. Between the central and the
side door there is a wdndow on either side. The central door is decorated with two bands
of scroll work and a third one containing seated and standing Buddhas, mithunas etc^. At
either end of the lintel there is a goddess standing on a boar, not a crocodile as in the caves
at Ajanta, the change being introduced here probably with reference to the name Varahadeva
of the minister who got the caves excavated^. The side doors and windows are decorated
with chaitya-vdtdyanas containing figures of the seated Buddha, with globular forms on the
finials^.

The hall inside is supported on twenty pillars, disposed in four rows. The tw'o middle
pillars and those at the corners have square bases, changing into octagon, sixteen-sided
and thirty-tw'o-fluted and then returning through the sixteen and eight-sided forms to the
square under plain bracket capitals^. The remaining pillars have octagonal shafts and
square heads with brackets. There are pilasters in the side walls in line with the front
and back row's of pillars, those behind being decorated with full or half medallions^. The
front pilaster in the left side w all has a figure of the seated Buddha with an attendant on either
side and the aforementioned Buddhist creed carved above.

In the middle of the back wall of the hall there is an antardla (antechamber) with
tw'o pillars in front, and the chaitya-mandira (sanctum) behind. On each side of it in the
back wall and also in the middle of the left w all of the hall there is a chapel with two pillars
in front and a cell behind, like that at each end of the verandah mentioned before. There
are six other cells in the left wall and five on the right^. In the chaitya-mandira behind
the antardla there is a large image of the Buddha, seated in the yogdsana posture and the
Dharmachakra-pravartana-mudrd, with a Bbdhisattva carrying a chauri on either side. The
Bodhisattva on his proper left is Vajrapani as he has the vajra in his left hand; that on the
right should be Padmapani as in the caves at Ajanta, but his sign, viz-, the lotus has not
been carved. On the pedestal of the Buddha’s lion-seat there are the usual figures of the
crouching deer with a w'heel betw-een them, symbolising the Buddha’s first sermon in the
Deer Park at Sarnath. Some devotees are also seen kneeling on either side of the w'heel.
The Buddha has a large round halo round his face, beyond w'hich are seen some flying
vidyddharas and vidyddharis with garlands for the worship of the Buddha^.

ISee Plate O.

2G.C./., pi. 4.

3No. 26, V. 18.

‘^G.C.L, pi. 5.

5G.C./., pi. 8.

^Ibid., pi. 9.

2 The middle one on the right has the appearance of a chapel with two doors in front, but there is
no cell behind it as in the case of the other chapels in this cave.

8G. C.I., pi. 3.

Ixxvi

INTRODUCTION

At the right end of the front aisle of the Hall there is carved a chaitya in half relief
and on the other two walls appear a number of seated and standing Buddhas. According
to Burgess, these were carved at some later date.

The present cave differs in certain respects from Cave XVI at Ajanta. It is supposed
by some to be anterior to the latter on the basis of the general architectural style and the
sculpture in iti, but the inscription of Varahadeva incised therein leaves no doubt that
it is of the same age as the aforementioned caves at Ajanta. Any differences that may be
noticed in the architecture and sculpture of the two caves must be attributed to individual
workmanship and not to a difference in their age.

^G.C.I. p. 4.

TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

No. 1 : Plate I

DEOTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF RUDRASK<JA I

D EOTEK is now a small village, about 50 miles south-east of Nagpur. It has an
old temple in a dilapidated condition and a large inscribed slab. The place was
visited by Cunningham’s assistant, Beglar, in the year 1873-74. He has described
the temple and the inscribed slab in Cunningham’s Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. VII,
pp. 123-25. From the pencil impressions Beglar took at the time, Cunningham published
an eye-copy of the two inscriptions on the slab and his transcript of their texts, without
any translation or interpretation, in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. I (First Edition),
pp. 28-29. Though the inscriptions are very important, none noticed them until I drew
attention to them at the Mysore session of the All-India Oriental Conference held in
December 1935. They have been edited with facsimiles by me in the Proceedings and Transac-
tions^ of the Conference.

I visited Deotek in October 1935 and took estampages which showed some better
readings than Cunningham’s eye-copy. On the other hand, some letters which Cunning-
ham read in the last line of the earlier record have since then disappeared, evidently
owing to the peeling off of the surface of the slab, which had for a long time been used as
a seat by village boys and cowherds while tending cattle. As described by Beglar2, ‘ the
inscribed slab is an oblong trapezoid of rough-grained, quartzy sandstone, worn smooth
in places by the feet of villagers, it being situated in the thick shade of a magnificent
tamarind tree, on the side of the village road, and thus offering a capital resting place and
seat; the stone is nine feet long, three and a half feet broad at one end, and two feet ten
inches at the other, with straight sides; it bears two distinct inscriptions ’. The stone has
since been removed to the Central Museum, Nagpur.

The earlier of the two inscriptions is inscribed lengthwise and is in four lines. It
occupies T 10" of the breadth of the stone, leaving the lower portion of about T 6" uninscribed.
The characters are of the early Brahmi alphabet, resembling, in many cases, those of the
Girnar edicts of As5ka. The language is early Prakrit as in the Girnar edicts. At least
the first three lines of this inscription seem to have originally extended to the right-hand
edge of the slab ; for, traces of isolated letters in the first line, which are in no way connected
with the second inscription, can still be marked on the original stone. Besides, the sense of
the first two lines, which are fairly legible, appears to be incomplete in the absence of their
right-hand half 3. It would again be strange if the engraver, selecting a large slab nine feet
long and commencing to incise it lengthwise, had ended his lines about the middle of it,
leaving out nearly a half at the right end. For these reasons I cannot accept Beglar’s view
that ‘ the second inscription was cut evidently with some regard for the prior inscription.

ip.r.A/.O.C., 1935, pp. 63 f.

"^C.A.S.R., Vol. VII, p. 124.

3 One would, for instance, expect at the end of line 1 the names of animals and the seasons in
which their capture and slaughter were prohibited. Cf. Asoka’s pillar edict V.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

as it does not interfere with or injure it ’h On the other hand, the later inscription seems
to have been incised after the earlier one was chiselled off to make room for it.

The object of the earlier inscription was to record the command of some lord [Sami]
i^\\ho is called ‘king’ in line 4), prohibiting the capture and slaughter (evidently of some
animals in certain seasons as in Asoka’s fifth pillar edict, or, maybe, throughout the
year) and declaring some punishment for such as dared to disobey it. The third line men-
tions executi\'e officers [dmachd—amdtydh) whose duty may have been to enforce these orders.
The last line contains the date 14, denoting probably the regnal year in which the record
was incised.

This edict seems to have been issued by a Dharmamahamatra in the fourteenth year
after the coronation of Afeka. From the fifth rock edict of the great Buddhist Emperor
we learn that these Mahdmdtras were first appointed by Asoka in the thirteenth year after
his coronation, i.e., a year prior to the date of this record. One of the duties assigned to them
was to prevent the capture and slaughter of animals. It is not unlikely that the Dharmamahd-
mdtra who was in charge of ancient Vidarbha caused the present record to be incised at
Chikamburi mentioned in line 1, which seems to have been then a place of great
importance, to proclaim the command of the great Emperor to his subjects living in the
neighbourhood^.

The second inscription which concerns us here is in five lines^, which are inscribed
breadthwise, commencing from the narrow end of the slab. Like the earlier inscription,
it also has suffered considerable damage. Some letters in the first four lines have either
altogether disappeared or become illegible, owing to the wearing away and peeling off of the
surface of the slab. Besides, a channel 4" in breadth has been cut right through the middle
of the inscription, which has evidently resulted in the further loss of some more letters'*.

Like the Eran inscription of Samudragupta, the present record is inscribed in the
box-headed variety of the southern alphabet of about the fourth century A.C. As regards
individual letters, we may note the triangular v in -varhsa line 4, the tripartite j in line 3
and the unlooped n in line 5. The size of the letters varies from If" to 7^". The language
is Sanskrit and the whole inscription is in prose.

The object of this inscription is to record the construction of a temple or place of
religious worship {dharma-sthdna)^ by king Rudrasena at Ghikkamburi. It may be noted
in this connection that there is at present a small plain structure of laterite in a dilapidated
condition just where the inscribed slab was noticed. ‘ The temple is small, consisting
simply of a cell and its entrance; it may have had a small portico or a mandapa attached,
as the ground in front is covered with cut blocks; but it could not have been large and
indeed the temple is of the kind usually built without a mandapaP ’ The existing structure

^C.A.S.R., Vol. VII, p. 124.

2 In some of his edicts Asoka orders his officers to get his edicts engraved on stone pillars, rocks and
stone slabs throughout the districts in their charge. See his Rupnath rock inscription, line 5, and
Sarnath pillar inscription, lines 9-10.

3 There are faint traces of two letters {Siddham ?) in a much smaller size in line 6.

“^The channel could not have existed at the time the inscription was incised; for, in one case at
least {viz., in varhsa . iasja) we are sure that it has caused the loss of one letter viz., jd. Beglar also
has remarked, “Long afterwards, when no one could read the inscriptions, this great slab, large enough
to occupy the breadth of the sanctum of a temple, was considered to form into an argha and in the process
the inscriptions were remorselessly sacrificed ”. C.A.S.R., Vol. VII, pp. 124-25.

3 The chief temple in the capital was called Vaijayika-dharma-sthdna.

^C.A.S.R., Vol. VII, p. 124.

DEOTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF RUDRASENA I

is quite plain. The only decoration it seems to have had was in the form of a scroll on its
door frame, two fragments of which are lying in front of it. The door seems to have been
4' 4" in breadth and about 4' in height. The lintel has, in a recess in the middle, a small
image of two-armed Ganapati, measuring 6 " in breadth and 85 " in height. ‘ The roof of the
sanctum is formed of intersecting squares and has a pyramidal shape cut up exteriorly
into gradually diminishing steps. Temples of this type can be seen in the adjoining villages
of Panori and Armorih There is a large image of Ganapati placed in the cell, but it seems
to be of a later age. The temple was originally dedicated to Siva. The linga has now
disappeared, but from the socket in an old arg/ia lying nearby, it seems to have been a large
one, about 13* in diameter. Such lingas are found round about Mansar near Ramtek,
which was undoubtedly an ancient holy place dating back at least to the time of the Vaka-
takas. There is a broken image of Nandi lying in front of the present temple. Though the
present structure cannot date back to the fourth century A.C., to which period the inscrip-
tion can be referred, it undoubtedly marks an ancient site and may have been erected
when the original temple fell into ruins.

The inscription is not dated. The name of the king’s family which occurred in the
beginning of the fourth line has, unfortunately, been lost ; but on the evidence of palaeography
Cunningham conjecturally assigned the record to Rudrasena I, though according to the
notions then prevalent, he called him a king of Kailakila Yavanas, and placed him in
170 A.C .2 Though this date cannot now be accepted, Cunningham’s attribution of the
present record to the Vakataka king Rudrasena I seems to be correct. There were two
kings of this name in the dynasty of the Vakatakas, viz-, Rudrasena I, who was the grandson
and successor of Pravarasena I, and Rudrasena II, the grandson of the former and son-in-
law of Chandragupta Il-Vikramaditya. Of these, the former was a §aiva, being a fervent
devotee of Svami-Mahabhairava,^ while the latter, probably owing to the influence of
his wife Prabhavatigupta, was a worshipper of Chakrapani (Vishnu)"*. As the present
inscription evidently records the building of a ^iva temple, it may be ascribed to Rudrasena I.
T his is also confirmed by the palaeographic evidence detailed above^.

The importance of the present inscription lies in this that it is the earliest record
of the Vakatakas discovered so far, and is, besides, the only lithic record of that royal family.
Its situation shows that Rudrasena I ruled south of the Narmada and renders doubtful the
identification of Rudradeva, who is mentioned in the Allahabad stone pillar inscription as
one of the kings of Aryavarta, with Rudrasena I of the Vakataka dynasty.

There remains now the question — ^Why was the inscription inscribed breadthwise
and commenced at the narrow end of the slab? As is well-known, there was a revival of
Hinduism and Sanskrit learning in the age of the Vakatakas. They themselves performed
animal sacrifices, and could have therefore had no regard for Asoka’s precepts of ahimsd.
When therefore Rudrase na I built a temple of his favourite deity and wanted to put up an
inscription of his own to record it, he could have felt no scruples in chiselling off some part
of the earlier inscription to make room for his record. The stone was probably placed

IC.A.S.R., Vol. VII, pp. 125-26
2 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 29.

3 See the adjective
"^See his description

applied to him in the copper-plates of Pravarasena II.

in the copper-plates of his son Pravarasena

II.

5 Note especially the unlooped n in line 6. This letter has a looped form in all other Vakataka
inscriptions.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

on the broader end of its length and half-buried, leaving only the Vakataka record above
the ground. The left-hand portion of the earlier record was left untouched as the Vakataka
inscription, which was commenced at the narrow end of the slab, was finished about the
middle of the stone.

There is only one place, viz-, Chikkamburi,* mentioned in both the records. As
pointed out by Hiralal, it is identical with the adjoining village Chikmara. Chikkamburi
seems to have been a flourishing city for more than six hundred years ; for, both the Mahd-
mdtra of Asoka and the Vakataka king Rudrasena I thought it fit to incise their records
there. In ancient times it must have extended to and perhaps included in its expanse the
site of the modern village Deotek where the inscribed slab was lying.

Text

1 [fr] • ^ •

2 • • [^?]^ ....

3 TTTR • • RFITT

4 • • • •

5 ( TT I ) [ I * ]

Translation

(At) Chikkamburi
Pravara^

(Line 4) This {is) a special place of religious worship of Rdjan Rudrasena (I), born
in the family \of the Vdkdtakas].

•The name appears as Chikambar[i\ in the earlier inscripnon.
2Read

^This may refer to Pravarasena I,

CORPUS IXSCRIPTIOXUM INDICARUM

VOL. Yl

PLATE I

DEOTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF RUDRASENA I

a; 3:

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Reg No 3977 E'36- U 03'62,

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Scale: about one-fifth

pRiNTEO AT THE Survey OP India Offices iP L O i.

No. 2: Plate II

POONA PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

T hese copper-plates were found in the possession of one Balwant Bhau Nagarkar,
a coppersmith of Poona who originally hailed from Ahmadnagar in the Maharashtra
State. They are said to have been preserved as an heirloom in his family for some
generations. They, however, seem to have originally belonged to the Hihganghat tahsil
of the Wardha District in Vidarbha; for, as shown below, most of the places mentioned
in this grant can be located in that tahsil. The plates were at first very briefly noticed by
Prof. K. B. Pathak in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLI, pp. 214-15. Their importance was
immediately recognised and the information furnished by them was utilised by V. A. Smith
in his article entitled ‘ The Vakataka Dynasty of the Central Provinces and Berar ’ published
in xAie Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1914, pp. 317 f. They were later edited with
facsimiles and an English translation by K. B. Pathak and K. N. Dikshit in the Epigraphia
Indica, Vol. XV, pp. 40 f. They are edited here from the same facsimiles as their present
whereabouts are not known.

The plates are two in number, measuring 9J" long and 5f" broad. ‘ They are
strung together by means of a ring (J" thick and f" in diameter) with soldered ends, pass-
ing through a hole Y in diameter, cut through the centre of one side of the plates. The
ring is further made to pass through the perforated handle of the seal, which is plain and
oval in shape (length 2|", breadth 2^"), and contains four lines of inscription, with figures
of the sun and the moon above and a flower at the bottom ’. The weight of the plates and
the ring is 97 tolas.

The record is engraved only on the inner side of the two plates, the first containing
10 lines, and the second, 12 lines. The letters on the first plate are somewhat larger than
those on the second; the average size of the former is Y and that of the latter is The

writing is in a fair state of preservation.

The characters are mostly of the nail-headed variety having a triangle with
its apex downwards at the top of the letters. A few letters, however, are of the box-
headed type in which all other inscriptions of the Vakatakas were written. See, e.g.,
Vakataka- in line 1 of the seal and si of siddham in line 1 on the first plate. It is noteworthy
that besides their box-heads, some of these letters (e.g. v and s) have forms which are different
from those noticed elsewhere in this grant. They agree with those in other grants of box-
headed characters. It would seem therefore that the scribe began to write the present grant
in box-headed characters, but not being accustomed to them, he soon changed over to nail-
headed characters with which he was more familiar. He may have hailed from North
India where the nail-headed characters were in vogue.

The characters show an admixture of northern and southern peculiarities, the former
predominating over the latter. Thus, g and s have a loop at the lower end of their left mem-
ber; n has its vertical and upper bar divided into two; sh and s are looped, but t and m
are not; the vertical of I is shortened and the tail of h turns sharply to the left. Besides these
northern characteristics, the following southern ones may also be noticed: a, k and r have
a curve turned to the left at the bottom of their verticals; the lingual d is round-backed; the
medial ri is shown by a curv^e turned to the left in sa-kript-opakriptah, line 18, but in prithivydm-.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

line 5 and -atisrishto in line 15 the curve turns to the right. The jihvdmuliya occurs twice
in lines 12 and 15, and the upadhrndniya once only in line 6. The language is Sanskrit and
except for two verses, one on the seal and the other of the usual imprecatory type at the
end, the whole record is in prose. As regards orthography, we may notice the reduplica-
tion of the consonant after r as in andivarddhandt in line 1 and the use of ri for ri in drishtam
in the margin of lines 2-3.

The record con inences with drishtam, ‘ seen ’. The plates were issued from Nandi-
vardhana by Prahhavatigupta, the chief queen of the Vakataka Maharaja Rudrasena

(II) and mother of the Tuvardja Divakarasena. She was then acting as Regent for her
minor son. The plates record the grant of the village Dahguna which the dowager queen
made to Acharya Ghanalasvamm on the twelfth tithi of the bright fortnight of Karttika,

evidently after observing a fast on the preceding Prabodhini Ekadasi. Prabhavatigupta is
described as a fervent devotee of the Bhagavat (i.e. Vishnu). She first offered the gift to
the foot-prints of the Bhagavat, who is probably the same as Ramagirisvamin mentioned in
her later Riddhapur plates, and then made it over to the Acharya. The donated village
was situated in the Supratishtha ahara and lay to the east of Vilavanaka, to the south of
Sirshagrama (Sirishagrama ?) and to the north of Kadapin^jana. The grant is dated in the
thirteenth year evidently of the boy-prince’s reign. The scribe was Ghakradasa.

It is noteworthy that though Prabhavatigupta describes herself as the Chief Queen
of the Vakataka Mahdrdja Rudrasena (II), she gives the genealogy of the Guptas and not of
the Vakatakas in the introductory portion of the present grant. This is also noticed in her
later grant recorded in the Riddhapur platesh She was evidently very proud of her
descent from the imperial Gupta family.

The genealogy begins with Maharaja Gha0tkatcha, the first king of the Gupta
(dynasty). His son was Mahdrdja Ghandragupta (I); the latter’s son from the Mahadevi
Kumaradevi was Mahdrdjddhirdja Samudragupta, the daughter’s son of the Lichchhavi
(chief), who performed several asvamedha sacrifices ; his son was Mahdrdjddhirdja Ghandragup-
ta (11) a devout worshipper of the Bhagavat; the latter’s daughter from the Mahadevi Ku-
beranaga who was born in a Naga family was Prabhavatigupta. She was the chief queen
of the Vakataka Mahdrdja Rudrasena (11) and mother of the Tuvardja Divakarasena.

It will be noticed that the description of Prabhavati’s Gupta ancestors given in the
present grant does not agree completely with that noticed in genuine Gupta records. In
the first place it makes no mention of Gupta, the founder of the dynasty. Secondly, Chandra-
gupta I is mentioned with the lower title of Mahdrdja, not with the imperial one of Mahdrdjd-
dhirdja as in Gupta records. Thirdly, some of the epithets used here to describe Ghandra-
gupta II were usually applied to his father Samudragupta^. Notwithstanding these
differences, the grant is undoubtedly genuine as we find that the genealogy given here is
repeated verbatim in the Riddhapur plates of the dowager queen^.

The importance of the present grant lies in this that it placed for the first time the
Vakataka genealogy on a sound basis. In the Vakataka grants discovered before {viz-,
the Chammak, Siwani and Dudia plates of Pravarasena II) Prabhavatigupta was described
as the daughter of Mahdrdjddhirdja Devagupta. Fleet identified this Devagupta with

t No. 8, below.

2 See e.g. the Allahabad stone pillar inscription of Samudragupta and the Bhitari stone pillar
inscription of Skandagupta.

3 In the Riddhapur plates, Samudragupta also is mentioned with the lower title of Maharaja.
See No. 8, line 4.

POONA PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

the homonymous king of the Later Gupta dynasty, mentioned in the Deo-Barnark pillar
inscription and thus relegated the Vakatakas to the eighth century A.C. His opinion
was accepted by Kielhorn and Sukhtankar. The present inscription, which states clearly
that Prabhavati was the daughter of the Early Gupta king Chandragupta II, proved
unmistakably, for the first time, that she lived in the last quarter of the fourth century x\.G.
It has since been shown that Devagupta was a favourite name of Chandragupta II and
so it finds a mention in Vakataka grants.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Nandivardhana was identified
by Hiralal with Nandardhan or Nagardhan near Ramtek. The identification has since been
corroborated by several proofs. The other villages, however, remained unidentified. A
clue to their location was afforded by the Jamb plates of Pravarasena II, discovered in
1940, which also mention the same Supratishtha ahara. With this clue I could identify
some of the villages mentioned in the present grant. Vilavanaka seems to be Vani, about
2^ miles to the west, and Kadapiiijana, Kadhajan 3 miles to the south by east of HihganghaL
Hihganghat seems therefore to occupy the same position as the ancient village Danguna.
The latter place-name appears to have been changed to Hihgan in course of time, g/idt
being added to it as it was a fording place on the ^Vunna. It is noteworthy that the name of
the village Kavadghat on the opposite bank of the same river also ends in gkdl. As the
villages mentioned in the Jamb plates as situated in the Supratishtha dhdra can also be
located in the Hihganghat tahsil, that dhdra seems to have comprised roughly the territory
now included in that tahsil. The present plates of Prabhavatigupta, though discovered in
distant Poona, seem therefore to have originally belonged to the Hihganghat tahsil.

TextI
First Plate

1 [l*] [l*] [l*] [l*] 1

5 ) tTT

6 m + ( fd^ ’d b M clT B^TET-

7 ^3rrfTEM%l) ^ -i . ^FdEdET fffdT TTEWftTT

8 TnTT(Tt) J ^ m '• 1 1 M I q 5 I oM --d 'd h d -^4d I

9 qi'hli'hNl q^l TTEFT-

Second Plate

1 1 TTTft^^TETrTETr[^ ]

12 fElf^rfB^TTETtxRT^ ^1 1 ^ l-M I B

13 BBWNTfT [l*] fdf4dRE5 ^ T?TPT fllBtEBlfEL EB^'iTFBFRT[^]

14 'HJMcMKT# '^4d I ^ 1 ^E4 rfH d <^=4 -

^From the facsimiles facing p. 42 in Ep. Ind., Vol. XV,

2 Read This word occurs in the margin between lines 2 and 3.

^Read as in No. 3, line 1.

'^Read 3?#^-.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

17 3r^' r<T'H d-d 4-B T ^Rf+'id Kd d + : 3Frr[T*]^^:*] 3l[?TfT]^^‘T:

18 [l*]?r(d')tT ^iPdNslMf^^ ^f^dsq- [:*] Mfidi-

19 frdoT^ [l*] TT^-

20 dHj ^^'JI (4)<NRdt9 jAijId [l*]<=Alldni (^)dii-dM ^dld [l*]

21 ^^TrfH<^Hl(^) ^ TT ^ W5W(TrR;) [l*] Tr^(^) ^-

[ll*]

22 =T fefl^dfBcl(^) ^nwr(R) [l*] ^d’h^l^d^+I^TH; [l*]

Seal

1 dl^lddidicriH^

3 wmr fTTTSfW

4 lT5^rRr[T][R* 1 1]

Translation

Seen. Success! Victory has been attained by the Bhagavat! Hail! From Nandivar-
dhana —

There was the Maharaja, the illustrious Ghatotkacha, the first king of the Guptas^h
His excellent son [was) the Maharaja, the illustrious Ghandragupta (I). His excellent son
[was) the Mahdrajddhirdja, the illustrious Samudragupta, [who was) born of the Mahddevi
Kumar adevi; [who was) the daughter’s son of the Lichchhavi [chief) ; [and) who performed
several horse- sacrifices. His excellent son [is) the Mahdrdj ddhirdja, the illustrious Ghandra-
gupta (H), graciously favoured by himi2 [i.e., Samudragupta), who is a fervent devotee of
the Bhagavat (Vishnu) ; who is a matchless warrior on the earth^^; who has exterminated all
kings; whose fame has tasted the waters of the four oceansi^; [and) who has donated many
thousands of crores of cows and gold [coins ) .

(Line 7) His daughter, the illustrious Prakhavatigupta of the Dharana ^o/ra, born of

the illustrious Mahddevi Kuberamiga, who was [herself) born in the Naga family; who is a

fervent devotee of the Bhagavat (Vishnu) ; who [was) the Chief Queen of the illustrious Rudra-
sena (II), the Mahdrdja of the ViU^atakas; who is the mother of the Tuvardja, the illustrious

^ Read i

2 Read

3 Read as in other Vakataka plates.

^Some grants add before

5 The previous editors read 3r[q^-, but the aksharas are clearly as given above
6 Read

2 Read ^tr^.

® Metre: Anushtubh.

9 Read lifter.

Metre: Anushtubh.

liPathak and Dikshit translated, “who had Gupta as the first king”. But see Guptandm-adirdid
m lines 1-2 of the Riddhapur plates (No. 8, below), which shows that the intended sense is as given here,
favoured by his feet.

l^These adjectives are usually applied to Samudragupta.

>4 This expression is generally translated as ‘ whose fame has been tasted by the waters of the four
oceans . See Vol. Ill, p. 54 and Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 43. But compare ti-samuda-toya-pita-

vdhanasa [ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 60), which shows that the intended sense is as above.

CMJRPUS IN.SCKIPTIOXUM IXDICAKU.M

VOL. VI

PLATE II

POOXA PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

■.A C)

C'pr^ "y.

•2 2

HR, M

'■y§^p- f

i,i ...f v-'i'-, -^fv ?->< I '^S-oy'V

i >0

•>•>

riii3

D C Strcs''

Reg no 3977 E' 36 -HC 3 ’ 62 .

Scale: Three-fifths

PRiMEO AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES P L O !

POONA PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

Divakarasena; — having announced [her) good health, commands the householders of the
village, Brahmanas and others, [residing) in the village of Danguna, [situated) in the dhdra
of Supiratishtha, to the east of Vilav analc a, to the south of Sirshagraxna, to the west of
Kadapinjana and to the north of Sidivivaraka, as follows : —

“Be it known to you that on the twelfth [lunar day) of the bright [fortnight) of Karttika,
We have, for augmenting our own religious merit, donated this village, with the pouring
out of water, to the Achdrya Ghanalasvamin, who is a devotee of the Bhagavat, as a gift
not previously made, after having offered it to the foot-prints of the Bhagavat. Where-
fore, you should obey all [his) commands, with proper respect.

(L. 16) And We confer here on [him) the following exemptions incidental to an agrahdra
granted to the Chaturvidya (Brahmanas) , as approved by former kings : — ( This village is)
not to be entered by soldiers and policemen^ ; [it is) exempt from [the obligation to provide)
grass, hides as seats, and charcoaF [to touring royal officers) ; exempt from [the royal prerogative
of) purchasing fermenting liquors^ and digging [salt) ; exempt from [the right to) mines and
khadira trees^; exempt from [the obligation to supply) flowers and milk; [it is donated) together
with [the right to) hidden treasures and deposits [and) together with major and minor taxes^.

(L. 18) Wherefore, this [grant) should be maintained and augmented by future kings.
Whoever, disregarding Our order, will [himself) cause or make [others) cause the slightest
obstruction, upon him, when complained against by the Brahmanas, We will inflict punish-
ment together with a fine.

And there is, on this point, [the following) verse sung by Vyasa: —

[Here occurs an imprecatory verse.)

(L. 22) This charter^ has been written in the thirteenth [regnal) year. [It has been)
engraved by Ghakradasa.

Seal

[This is) the enemy-chastising command of the Mother of the Tuvardja, the ornament
of the Vakatakas, who has attained royal fortune by inheritance.

^Bhatas are soldiers and chhdtras (lit. umbrella-bearers), who correspond to the chdtas of other
records (cf. No. 19, line 37), are policemen. They were forbidden to enter the donated villages
except for apprehending thieves and persons accused of high treason. Cf. No. 19, lines 37-38.

^Fleet translated, ‘ It does not carry with it (the right to) pasturage, hides and charcoal ’. He
thought that this and other similar expressions reserved certain rights to the villagers against the
grantees. See C.I.I., Vol. Ill, p. 242, n. 1. This does not appear to be correct. The expression
evidently exempts the donee from the duty of feeding and lodging royal officers during their stay in
the village. Later grants mention a tax called vasati-danda, which was levied for the purpose. See
Ep. Ind., Vol. XXV, p. 225 and n. Cf. a-taria-kattha-gahanam in the Hirahadagalli plates. Ibid., Vol. I,
pp. 5 f.

^Kinva is a drug or seed used to cause fermentation in the manufacture of spirits. See MSM.,
ch. VIII, 326. Later grants mention that the right to mahua trees from which liquor was manufactured
was transferred to the donee. C.I.I., Vol. IV, p. 343.

^Pathak and Dikshit, who read a-pasu-medhyah in line 17, translated, ‘ not to have an animal
sacrifice ’, but the reading of the text is clearly a-khani-medhyah. Medhya has therefore to be taken in the
sense of ‘ Khadira trees. ’

^Kautilya Arthasdstra (p. 60) gives klipta in the sense of ‘fixed assessment’. Klipta and
upaklipta correspond to bhaga and bhbga, which occur in the grants of Bharatabala and the kings of
Sarabhapura. Klipta probably means ‘ land-tax and upklipta miscellaneous taxes in cash or kind.

^Fleet translated ripusdsanam by ‘ a charter for [the observance of even) his enemies ’. Pathak and
Dikshit translated as above.

No. 3: Plate III

JAMB PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

T hese plates were discovered, in 1940, in the possession of one Baburao Madhavrao
Athole, Mokasdar of Jamb, a village, about 7 miles north by east of Hihganghat, in
the Hihganghat tahsil of the ^Vardha District in Vidarbha. They were edited by me
with facsimiles in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXVI, pp. 155 f. They are edited here from
the same facsimiles.

The copper-plates are four in number, each measuring 8" by 4’ 1 1 . The first and
fourth plates are inscribed on one side only, and the remaining two on both the sides.
When the plates were first seen by me, they were held together by a ring, but its ends were
neither joined by a pin nor soldered. The seal wliich it must have carried is not forthcoming
now. All the plates are in a good state of preservation, and consequently there is no
uncertainty in the reading anywhere. The weight of the four plates is 185 tolas and
that of the ring is 16 tolas.

The record consists of 36 lines, six being written on each inscribed face of the four
plates. The characters are of the box-headed variety. The following peculiarities may be
noticed: — The box is in some cases fixed to the back ofj, instead of being added at the
top (cf. maharaja- in lines 7 and 8) ; in some cases the box is not added at all {cf. mahdrdja-
in line 14); the sign of the upadhmdniya which occurs in lines 13, 15 and 33 has in all cases
a box added at the top which is not noticed in other records; final m, which is seen in a
smaller size, has a box-head in siddham, but not in drishtam, both in line 1 ; the medial au
is bipartite everywhere; kh is without a loop (cf khanaka-, line 27 and likhita-, line 36); the
lingual d is distinguished from d in danda, line 11, but not in Manduki-, line 18 and Kaundinya
in line 19; the subscript t is in some cases looped; finally, single and double dots are used
here and there to denote punctuation, which is redundant in most cases.

The language is Sanskrit, and except for an imprecatory verse in lines 34-35, the re-
cord is in prose throughout. As regards orthography, we find that consonants are redupli-
cated before and after r as in pardkkram-, line 5, and murddh-, line 6; th is reduplicated before
in Bhdgiratthy-, line 6, and visarga before p is changed to upadhmdniya in lines 13, 15 and 33.

The record opens with the word drishtam, ‘ seen ’. The plates were issued by Pravara-
sena 11 of the Vakataka dynasty from Nandivardhana. In the introductory portion of
the grant his genealogy is traced from Samrdt Pravarasena I, the Mahdrdja of the Vakataka
(dynasty). He belonged to the Vishnuvriddha gotra and performed several Vedic sacrifices
such as Agnishtoma, Aptoryama, Ukthya, Shodasin, Atiratra, Vajapeya, Brihaspatisava
and Sadyaskra as well as four Asvamedhas. He was succeeded by his grandson Rudrasenal,
the son of Gautamiputra from the daughter of Bhavanaga, the Mahdrdja of the Bharasi-
vas. The royal family of the Bharasivas is said to have been created by the god Siva who was
pleased by their carrying his linga on their shoulders. They performed ten Asvamedhas
and were crowned with the water of the Bhagirathi (Gahga) which they had obtained
by their valour. Mahdrdja Rudrasena I was a fervent devotee of Svami-Mahabhairava.
He was succeeded by his son Mahdrdja Pnthivishena (I), who was a fervent devotee of
Mahesvara. He was endowed with several noble qualities and ruled for a long time,
having sons and grandsons as well as a large army and a treasure which had been accumulat-
ing for a hundred years. His son was Mahdrdja Rudrasena II, who is said to have acquired

JAMB PLATES OF PRxWARASENA II

royal fortune by the grace of Chakrapani (Vishnu). His son from Prabhavatigupta, the
daughter of Mdhdrdjddhirdja Devagupta, was Alahdrdja Pravarasena H, who was a devout
worshipper of Mahesvara. As stated before, this Devagupta is none other than Chandra-
gupta II -Vikramadit> a, the illustrious Emperor of the Gupta dynasty.

The object of the present inscription is to record the grant, by Pravarasena II, of the
village Kothuraba which was situated in the dhdra (territorial division) of Supratishtha.
The village lay to the west of the river Uma, to the north of Ghincbapa. t, to the east of
Bonthikavataka and to the south of Mandukigrama. The donee wus the celibate
Brahmana Kaluttaka, who belonged to the Kaundinya gotra and the Taittiriya sdkhd of the
Black Tajurveda. The grant was made at the victorious place of religious worship {vaijqyika
dharmasthdna) and is dated on the twelfth tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvina in the
second regnal year. The Dutaka was Chakradeva, and the scribe Nagavarman.

The donee of the present plates is called gana-ydjin. It may therefore be conjectured
that the grant was made on the occasion of a gana-ydga at which he officiated as a priest.
The Manusmriti (III, 164) enjoins that a sacrificer of the Ganas should be avoided at a
^raddha. The expression gandndm ydjakah is variously interpreted by the commentators
of Manui, but Buhler’s suggestion2 that the reference may be to the gana-homas mentioned
in the Baudhdyana-Dharmasutra seems to be preferable. These gana-homas were to be per-
formed by a person for himself A Brahmana is, however, allowed to perform the rite
for his teacher, father and mother, but for none else. If he performs it for others through
greed, he is tainted by sin and perishes like one who has swallowed poison. Baudhayana,
however, says later on (IV, 8, 10) that through a desire of removing one’s guilt one may
cause these oblations to be offered by men who have been engaged for money in case
one is unable to do it; a man need not torment himself. This means, as explained by the
commentator Govindasvamin, that the wealthy man who engages a priest for the perform-
ance of the rite will be freed from sin, but the latter will be tainted by guilt^. This explains
why the priests who performed gana-homas for others out of greed were avoided at a srdddha.
Naturally few persons must have come forward to do the rite and those who did it received
a high reward. The case is analogous to that of the first annual hdddha in honour of a dead
person or to that of a srdddha at an eclipse. The donee of the present plates seems to have
performed such a gana-homa for Pravarasena II, from whom he received a village as his
sacrificial fee.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Nandivardhana has already been
identified with Nandardhan or Nagardhan near Ramtek in the Nagpur District. Kothura-
Icaj the donated village, cannot now be traced. Its site seems to have been occupied by
Mangaon on the right bank of the Wunna, about 2^ miles north by west of Jamb, since all
the boundary villages mentioned in the present plates can be identified in its vicinity in their
respective directions. Thus Gkinchapalli is Chichbli which also is situated on the right
bank of the same river W unna, half a mile to the south of Mangaon ; B5ntlukavataka is
now called Bothad and Mandukigrama, Mandgaon, about 3^ miles to the north by west and
2 miles to the north respectively from Mandgaon. The Wardhd District Gazetteer records a
tradition that Mandgaon is named after one Mando Rishi who is said to have done penance
on the Wunna river. The present grant, however, shows that the ancient name of the place

Ipor other interpretations oi gana-ydga, see Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVI, pp. 157 f.

2 See his Laws of Manu, S.B.E., Vol. XXV, p. 106.

3 See Gavindasvamin’s commentary on Baudhdyana-Dharamasutra, IV, 8, 9.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

was Mandukigrama. The identification of these three boundaries shows that the river
Uma which formed the eastern boundary of the donated village is none other than the
Wunna. As shown before, Supratishtha the headquarters of the ahdra in which these
villages were situated comprised roughly the territory now included in the Hihganghat tahsil
of the Wardha District.

Text!

8
9

20
21
22
23

First Plate

[l*] feR [l*] FTO(fer) I*]

d I + 1 d+ M Hil ^KM ^

31^4^44 ifTBfm 11^ STTHKdPvIdn^ldRNrei'^^® -

[S:]^d fiil 4 d B cM I f<d <M 4 M IB 'KK^Tlfdfid'dhft-

q ( TT ) >lK%4FfT

C\ C \ /

Second Plate : First Side

il^KH 4 4144^^444 Tft^(?ft)5Wr 5^ P 4TW-

3144^^41^^4 444 11^

41c4l^4+lh'i4i^rt<!-4f444>4d4f4^'H+ii^ic^<^^1+icq ('^)-
H I'd^Td J-4 Pd d r4c4 4 d^d *-H e4 1 f<4'jl4414-

5n^f^[:] ^P>6yqTioc|ic^|(iq,Hi4.+i^K|vji%nHf44l-

Second Plate: Second Side

#444" 4jfl®444d^444>M lu>sr4T4T (^ ) ’TTpj4d4t4'44444
4^4r4p4 ( ) hsl4 444 4^l 4M iP^PTjT^tddfikl-

44T4(4t) 4HI4dl4kll4 (^)4c'T444 iP ^rnfr>44TlR^ ( 4 ) ^-

4444 P 4l4>ld=hMIH444lJi(4 44^1 4l[4*]^4 444-

^ 444T[d;*] I P 441414 44491^^4 P

4^ 4^4 P 4lP^4+41d4i44 P ^ 4T^ P 4’i^P'h4l444-

Third Plate: First Side

4P^ 91^ P 9?tTO^4T44T4; ^feq44t4 P #% f494|*J|4lPd-

9T^9J4^r4TfT4 [l*] 4dl'^+tr41’-d'fii; 44W'4^Tf44^4fd44dl

3iMi4'4lPt5«^4lp4t>4i: 4ddrii^«nR-^ f494^°44WT?rr9f4-

4^*° Pd Pd d 4 4^ 4 ; 44^144^4 4^941 4»4t 444tp4 4 4^4<!4 Pd-
4^ 44 P^dl 4Tc4T44^4 t^pT# 4I4'(^)44T4 31^5#^-

^From the facsimile facing pages 160-61, Ep. Ind,^ Vol. XXVI.

2 Here and in many places below, rules of Sandhi have not been observed.

^Read

5 This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

6 The anasvdra is misplaced. Read

7 This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

^ Read

^Read ’VRT as in other Vakataka grants.

^^Read

CORPUS INSCKIPTIOXUM IXDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE III

JAMB PLATES OF PRAVARASEXA 11

ii,a

D C Sircar

Scale: One-half

Printed AT THE Survey OF INDIA Offices tP l O i

Reg. No. 3977 E'36— ll 03’62.

1 1 1, a

JAMB PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

Third Plate: Second Side

B Ad 1 4 1 Pd d <1 B 3T+<4lfd^ 3r>IH:=5^^Trt^[ : ] W-

3T^^flTR^[:*] 31^(=5R) WP^TTlf^R[;*] 3T^-
B =4 d ft-d H R^l <M R^d : rMr:

B^ddl (^) T d>’ir^S'MNi'if4d°d: R=4^(f^)dTl^TRRf^Td°q' [:*]

'lfTd7tfe=RWr(^) [l*] d^df4B^?ilBdBd‘J|dBM: ^^dRTTRfT qf<^Rt

Fourth Plate

31 ^AdTc+Kfdd dRI dR^ulodfdd^d fddf II

32 BT^dlddRMddi df^ -=d ^dHr<M l ^d ^°

33 'Jd^'JMM'^lTldHR^Klcd' d dTddTd; [l*] ^dWfd ( ^ ) d^dTT ^^d^THI'^fl-

34 4>Ti°d[:] [l*] Bdddi HTd-di dT t I ^ RdB^^Bd

35 l[l^ll*] ddRR feftd S T ^dd^ ^^ BIB^K^^K^dl (rTT) i'^

36 ddd^dddd+i''^ dHN+’B'JII ||*||

Translation

Seen. Success ! Hail ! From Nandivardhana —

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (11), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas, who
is a fervent devotee of Mahesvara, who, by the grace of iSambhu, has established the Krjta-
yuga (Golden Age) [on the earth), who was born of Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of the
Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Devagupta, and who is the son of the Maharaja, the illustrious
Rudrasena (EL), who acquired an abundance of prosperity by the grace of the Divine (Lord)
Chakrapani (Vishnu), and who^® was the son of the illustrious Pnthivishena (I), the Maharaja
of the V^atekas, who was intensely devoted to [the god) MahBvara, who was endowed with
truthfulness, straightforwardness, compassion, heroism, valour, political wisdom, modesty,
high-mindedness, intelligence, devotion to worthy persons, and with the state of be-
ing a righteous conqueror, purity of mind, and such other qualities, who had
sons and grandsons and a continuous supply of treasure and army which had been
accumulating for a hundred years, who conducted himself like Yudhishthira, and who was
the son of the illustrious Rudrasena (I), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas and the son of

1 Read

2 Read -iTiJTkt fwaRTR-.

3 Read

^Read - as in other Vakataka grants.

5 Read

2 Read

8 Read

9 Read -c+K^al.
lORead

* I Metre: Anushtubh.

J2Read

'3 This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

1‘^Read

>5 There is a floral design between these two sets of dandas.
Rudrasena II.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

Gautamiputra, who was intensely devoted to {the god) Svami-Mahabhairava, who was the
daughter’s son of the illustrious Bhavanaga, the Maharaja of the Bharasivas, whose royal
family was created by iSiva, who was greatly pleased by {their) carrying the linga of Siva
like a load placed on {their) shoulder, and who were besprinkled on their head with the pure
water of the {river) Bhagirathi that had been obtained by their valour, who^ was the son of
the illustrious Pravarasena (I), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas, the Samrdt (Universal
Monarch), who performed the Agnishtoma, Aptoryama, Ukthya, Shodasin, Atiratra,
Vajapeya, Brihaspatisava, Sadyaskra and four Asvamedhas, and who was of the Vishnu-
vriddha gotra.

(Line 17). The village named Kothuraka situated in the dhdra of Supratishtha,
which {is) to the west of the river Uma, to the north of GlimcliapaUi, to the east of Bonthi-
kavapika {and) to the south of ManduMgrama, has been donated {by Us) to the Brahmachdrin
{named) Kaluttoka, who has performed a gana-ydga and who belongs to the Taittiriya sdkhd.

(Line 20). Wherefore, Our officials of noble birth, who are employed by the order
of the Sarvadhyaksha (General Superintendent) and who exercise their authority by {Our)
command, and {Our) soldiers and policemen^ should be directed by the [following) command
which is already well-known {to them ) : —

“Be it known to you that in order to increase Our religious merit, life, power,
victory and prosperity, to secure Our well-being in this world and the next and to obtain
blessings for Ourself, We have given here in {Our) victorious place of religious worship, with
the pouring out of water, {this village) as a gift not previously made.

And We grant the following exemptions which are incidental to a village bestowed
on a Brahmana proficient in the four Vedas and are appropriate, as approved by former
kings: — It is not to pay taxes; it is not to be entered by soldiers and policemen; it does not
entitle {the State) to customary cows and bulls^; it does not {also) entitle it to {royalties on)
flowers and milking; it is exempt from {the obligation to provide) grass, hides as seats and
charcoal {to touring royal officers)^; it is exempt from {royalties on) the purchase of fermenting
liquors and the digging of salt^; it is free from all kinds of forced labour; it is donated together
with {the right to) hidden treasures and deposits {and) together with major and minor taxes®;
it is to be enjoyed as long as the sun and the moon {will endure) and it is to follow the succession
of sons and son’s sons. None should cause an obstruction while {the donee or his successor)
is enjoying it. ( This grant) should be preserved and increased by all means. And whoever,
disregarding Our order, will himself cause or make {others) cause even the slightest obstruc-
tion, upon him, when complained against by the Brahmanas, We will inflict punishment
together with a fine ”.

(Line 32). In showing thus Our regard to religion. We, in order to avoid mention

1 R. Bhandarkar suggested that sunoh sunoh in line 3 refers to Gautamiputra, who succeeded
Pravarasena I. The construction is no doubt faulty. It would be better to read Gautamiputra- putrasya
as in No. 13, line 9. There is no doubt that Gautamiputra did not reign. See the absence of the title
Vdkdtdkandm Mahdrdja in his case. For the probable reason for the faulty construction see Ind Cut
Vol. XI, pp. 232 f. ’ •

2 See above, p. 9, n. 1.

3 Fleet translated, Tt does not carry with it [the right to) cows and bulls in succession of production’
and remarked that the interpretation here was not quite certain. Perhaps, the right to demand the
first calf of a cow is referred to here.

^See above, p. 9, n. 2.

^See above, p. 9, n. 3.

^See above, p. 9, n. 5.

JAMB PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

of the meritorious deeds already done, do not refer to [Our) care and protection of the
grants of many past kings.

And the following verse sung by Vyasa should be regarded as an authority on this
point : —

[Here occurs an imprecatory verse.)

(Line 35). [This charter has been written) by Nagavarman on the twelfth [lunar day)
of the bright [fortnight) of the month Asvayuja in the second [regnal) year, Chakradeva
being the Dutaka.

Nos. 4 AND 5; Plate IV and V

BELORA PLATES (SETS A AND B) OF PRAVARASENA U

T hese plates were discovered in the possession of Mr. N. H. Jane of Belora, a village
in the Arvi tahsil of the W^ardha District, which is situated on the left bank of the
Wardha, about 6 miles south by east of Morsi. They were edited by me with
facsimiles in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIV, pp. 260 f. They are edited here from the
same facsimiles.

The four copper-plates obtained from the owner were, on examination, found to fall
into two sets of two plates each, called hereafter Set A and Set B. Each set originally
consisted of three plates, but the last plate of Set A and the first one of Set B are not forth-
coming now. The first plate of Set A is inscribed on one side only, and all the other plates
on both the sides. The plates of Set A are slightly larger in size and heavier in weight
than those of Set B. The former measure 9‘9" by 4’9", and weigh 67|" tolas, while the
latter measure 9'6" by 4‘8" each, and weigh 64 tolas. About 2" from the middle of the proper
right of each plate there is a round hole in diameter for the ring which originally held
together the plates of each set, but neither the rings nor the seals which must have been con-
nected with them are now forthcoming. All the plates are in an excellent state of preserva-
tion. The letters are deeply cut and some of them show through on the other side,
especially in the case of the first plate. When carefully examined, the grants appeared
to be palimpsests, all the plates showing here and there clear traces of earlier letters which
were beaten in before the present charters were incised on them. These earlier letters
were box-headed and of the same type as those which were later engraved in their place.
So the earlier charters undoubtedly belong to the same period. As their letters have been
almost everywhere carefully beaten in, it is not now possible to say who issued them, what
they recorded and why they were cancelled.

As stated above, both the inscriptions are incomplete. The preserved writing of
the first one, which has lost its concluding part, contains 18 lines, and that of the second,
of which the initial portion is missing, 24 lines. The characters of both are of the box-
headed variety and resemble in a general way those of the other grants of Pravarasena II.
The only peculiarity worth noticing is the use of the looped t. In both the sets, t appears
in the looped and unlooped forms; for instances of the former, see yato- in line 14 of Set A
and viditam- in line 1 7 of Set B, and for those of the latter, notice Shodashy-Atirdtra- in line
1 of Set A and atit- in line 25 of Set B. The subscript t is usually looped and to distinguish
it from n its loop elongated; see e.g. Kdrttayuga- in line 12 and bhukti in line 13 of Set A.

The language is Sanskrit. The existing portion of Set A is wholly in prose; that of Set
B is also in prose except for two benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 27-29. The
orthography of both the sets shows the same peculiarities, viz., (1) the vowel ri is used for ri
and vice versa; see pautrinah and Prithivisenasya in line 9 of both the sets. In viskrita, line
16 of Set B, the vowel ri is used for ru. (2) Similarly, li is used for the vowel li in sa-
klipt-opaklipa in line 22 of Set B. (3) The palatal s is used for the dental 5 - in Suryya- in
line 14 of Set A. (3) The consonant following r and that preceding r andjv are doubled;
see e.g. abhivarddhamana- in line 8 and sarvvadddhyaksha in lines 14-15 of both the sets and
vikkrama in line 7 of Set A. Besides, both the sets show such mistakes as the use of the short for
the long vowel, ungrammatical forms of words, etc.

BELORA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

Both the sets of plates were issued by Pravarasena II of the Valcatoka dynasty.
His genealogy is traced here from Pravarasena I exactly as in the preceding Jamb plates,
his maternal grandfather Chandragupta II being called Devagupta. The plates of set A,
the record on which begins with drishtam, were issued from Nandi vardhana. The place
of issue in the case of those of Set B is unknown owing to the loss of its first plate. The former
record the grant of the village Mahalla-Lata in the Asi bhukti, which was situated in the
mdrga (subdivision) of Sailapura, while the latter register the donation of two villages, viz..,
Dirghadraha in the Pakkanarashtra and Mahallama-Lata. Of these latter villages,
the second is plainly identical with the village Mahalla-Lata of Set A as it is specified exactly
like it. The grant recorded in Set B is, therefore, later than that of Set A. The donee of
both the grants was the same viz., Suryasvamin of the Kasyapa ^tra and Taittiriya sdkhd,
who was a resident of the place Pravaresvara-shadvimsati-vataka. Both the grants
were, again, made at the victorious place of religious worship [vaijayika-dharma-sthdna) for
the increase of religious m.erit, life, strength, victory and fortune of the donor. The date
of the first record is missing, but that of the second is given at the end. The latter was
written, while Ghitravarman was the Sendpati, on the thirteenth tithi of the bright
fortnight of Karttika in the eleventh regnal year.

As stated above, the second set of plates records the grant of two villages, one of which
had already been given by the same king to the same donee by the first set. Why it was
found necessary to include the village again in the second grant is not known. Cases
of the issue of a fresh charter recording again a previously made gift are indeed not un-
known; but in such cases the circumstances which necessitated the issue of a fresh charter
such as a foreign invasion or the loss or damage of the earlier charter by fire etc., are
generally specifiedk No such reasons are given in the present case. In fact, both the
charters purport to have been granted by the same king and the interval between their dates
could not have been more than ten years. This therefore raises the question if the second
charter, or at least the second plate of it which records the grant of two villages, is a forgery^.
In favour of such a supposition may be adduced the circumstance that the writing on the
second plate of Set B begins and ends with the same words as that on the second plate of
Set A, so that the former plate could have been easily substituted for the latter. It may,
however, be pointed out that there are no other circumstances suggesting such a forgery.
As shown above, both the plates of Set B are smaller in size than those of Set A so that
not one but two plates must have been so substituted. But there was apparently no need
to replace the third plate of the first grant. Again, the similar formation of letters and
the occurrence of the same orthographical peculiarities and grammatical mistakes in both
the records make it highly probable that both the grants were written by the same clerk
in the Secretariat of the Vakatakas. The mention of Ghitravarman as Stndpati in Set B
is another point in favour of the genuineness of that set; for, from the Ghammak plates of
Pravarasena II we learn that Ghitravarman held that office till at least the 18th year of

1 See e.g. the Barah copper-plate of Bhojadeva, Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 18, and the Nidhanpur
copper-plates of Bhaskaravarman, ibid., Vol. XII, p. 76.

2 Dr. N. P. Chakravarti has suggested that the grant of two villages in Plate II of Set B was found
to be wrong on examination and that this plate was meant to be replaced by Plate II of Set A which was
subsequently engraved. He has drawn attention to the ornamental mark found after atisrishtah in Plate II
of Set A, which, according to him, was intended to prevent any unauthorized addition in the blank
space left at the end of that line. He has not, however, offered any satisfactory explanation for the
circumstance that the unwanted plate was not removed or cancelled.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

Pravarasena ITs reign. The second set does not, therefore, appear to be spurious. The reason
why it includes the name of a previously donated village seems to be that the Brahmana donee
probably made a request to the king to give him a consolidated charter for the two grants.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grants, Nandi var dh a n a has already been
shown to be identical with Nandardhan (or Nagardhan) near Ramtek in the Nagpur District.
Mahalla-Late or Mahallama-Late w^hich seems to mean the larger Lata may be represented
by Ladki or Ghat Ladki in the M5rsi tdlukd of the Amaravati District, about 18 miles
north by west of Beldrah Mahalla-Lata lay in the mdrga of Sailapura which may be identical
with Salbardi^ situated in the midst of hills about 15 miles east of Ladki. Asi, the chief
town of the bhukti (subdivision) in which Mahalla-Lata was situated, may be identical with
Ashti which lies only 10 miles south of Belora. Dirghadralia is probably Dighi on the left
bank of the Wardha, about 30 miles south of Ashti. The name of Pravaresvara-shadvim-
sativatoka wLich is mentioned in both the grants as the home of the donee seems to indicate
that it was the chief village in a group of twenty-six villages. Perhaps it received this name
from a shrine of l^iva called Pravafesvara installed by Pravarasena I and named after himself^.
This place as well as Pakkana, the headquarters of the rdshlra (division) in which Dirgha-
draha, one of the donated villages, was situated, cannot be traced now.

Text'^

Set A

First Plate

4 ^ n^l d R M 1 fel< I'il M I Td I H < 1 4^*1 1 PRJ I d HlV H ^‘'it vi-

5 liid RRTR'WHTd MT^-RRfiild I'd <N

6 I® dT+l<d«=MdHd^KN%lt^j{dd^

Second Plate: First side

7 ^ cd I ^ d d> d d fd d d d I ^ R f d fdd cd -

8 ^ *-4 [q 'Ji cd d [RtJ'i ^4 vd I [: *] ddQdtd ddi(ld+trdd4dldd>ti(K-

9 TRr(^n‘)ddlTd <H«ftfs(fdd'>'R-

10 I®

1 There is another small village called Ladgaon on the left bank of the Wardha, about 20 miles
south of Belora.

2 Salbardi is an ancient place containing some old caves and hot springs.

3 Compare the name Vahko-Tummana of the first capital of the Kalachuris in Chhattisgadh {Ind.
Hist. Quart., Vol. IV, p. 34). It was so called because of the shrine of Vahke§vara which it contained.
It may be noted in this connection that the temple of PravareSvara is mentioned in line 1 of No. 14, below.

♦From the original plates and facsimiles facing pp, 264 and 266 in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV.

5 Read

C N

^Here and in many places below, the rules of Sandhi have not been observed.

^Read I'jTI.

8 This sign of punctuation is superfluous.

^Read This word does not occur in other Vakataka grants.

BELORA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

10
11
12

16
17

^ ^ ^ <1 '4 I I ■4Tr4 fd RTB

d I + 1 id) M I J-H 8 1 ^1 4

Second Plate : Second side

II t [fwpflTO I +|ijA|H^'‘i>diil^i4^=lff^d® [l*]

^ fd A|T ( jft ) 3li?lld-dlR%d>^dlfqi?dT t%?Jd'^o^^n5PT ( ^IT ) -

dlHfildWl: [l*] JT^TFBTf^RTcR^

^(f^ )«l4d 1^ l^'nK^^ilC'HM'y^lil 11^ q\j)fi|<^ ?^4^M 31 'j^o4';c^I (t^I )

[ii*]

Set B

Second Plate: First side

*^^cdl'^=l't>l<;‘Jd^l1'i4fd’t>ddiini^d+ii^icB (^ )^ldc=l )Mndd'Hf4ticqd|J-*i-
Pd d ( R ) I Um [: *] ^dHd^^ d 4 i«l d^flf+l'd i d H +ti^ld “^T-

^ H d ^d 'l d ( f^ ) ^: =d T+ 1 <i+ 1 d I ^ fd^ d^'

( >? ) ddcf: ^^^-d I dlH 1 d^T^'d dd^ ( R )

^TPT ^dVd^l <N if dTM ^'Idd^’^^’HdW -* Vl IdFdd^ ldTddl~dFT-
^rnft-Mdl'd (^)^fd+Mdd^*^ 1^® =(i't)|<i'+ldl^Ht,+ii^!?q <d^(fr)TF3r%ri>tq<.4-

Second Plate: Second side

d’(d')^ d'-d’Tr[^*] I 'TTWTTT^ d)^dfi^"lld^^ ^TPT [:*] I sri«^<dMd 3lftl‘dPw-

'UTRS'd iT® !Id<Wdf^dfddldd>didod*®-

^ fd Htd Rd M ti '•n ’I I f 4 *1 [i] dd'l<-Hc^'’dd>l: ^«d« 5 'd<«r^*ldd)^l-

fddd-dT: 3| I d I d ^-d 1 ifdWI: f^(^)d'j^<=4’Hididi^^-

.. r,? . „ 3T^(#)fTWf^TTTc^Rt 1

1 Read

c o

2 Read as in line 13 of Set B below.

3 In Set B the name of this village occurs in the form

4 Perhaps 5l'=f^5=< ^^rs+'dl is the correct reading.

5 The subscript t of tti is not completely engraved,

6 Read

2 Read arrWRT^'^Tft-.

8 Read

9 This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

10 An ornamental figure is incised here.

11 As the first plate, like the others of this set, must have contained six lines, I have numbered the
first line on this side as 7.

12 Read

13 This visarga is superfluous.

14 Read

15 Read ^^T^nrT^^TFr.

16 This sign of punctuation is superfluous.

17 Read ^TFT.

19Read ' , ,

20 The engraver first incised ^ and then changed it into 5 . Read

21 Read

22 Read g^t^mraTITT-.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

18 H ^ 1 il ^ ^ ) T TOFTR 3I^=t^cJrT" [l*]

Third Plate: First side

19 Tf%cTT^^TFT‘^ ^5# M B d t iflJl +1 aa| ? 1 d < I SlTT^rfr

20 3nT2^^(=5^)w^^R*] 3rTr<j-9<'‘i>si^=)^:® 3j-Tr<Ri^-

21 ^t^lT[R*] 3 T^ - =i U| ctH Pi H jrtdHR^Kqf<^cT :^ ^-

22 ^ I 91 ^ M ^ I i fB ^

23 T #Tf%^TrErRr[x^]^: ) ?! ^ f<=l ^fTd I ^1^-

(^■^1 ) tO'C'cJl-

24 TWTWTFI; 4'4eMmf4 <TfeTTFJJqfc4^ I ifiR 3TW WT^rWfelW

Third Plate : Second side

25 1 1 3Tf^(f^M 3idtdH^<r31<Tl wTo-^^a|^

26 ^ ( T ) t>^”^r(’JqT)d^"lT^ d mR^I <k#(c?T) T #^rT:[l *]5TRriM ^ 5RT*jft-

27 +T1<=^1 I ^T^|4-q«Til°c|l^’ t RRT(Rt)

28 l^h*] II [ll*] FRiR Rti% I SlI^^fTI RT-

29 TRRIT R RRR^^ [iRU] R='^c?l< ^o \ =6I?^4R4^M^-

30 TTt^Wr^^ ^o ^ RR(RT)q^ fRWRf(T4)f^ RT^^ f^44R[R*]

Translation
Set a

Seen. Success! Hail! From NandivarcUiana —

By the order of the illustrious Pravarsena (II), the Aiahdraja of the Valcatakas, who
is a feiA'ent devotee of Mahesvara, who, by the grace of Sambhu, has established the Krita-yuga

1 Read #3rfif%.

2 Read 3r^(o#?r5TT.

3 Read -ilfgRT'2:i|; so as to agree with tnw# in line 14 above.

'^^Read ^=^=?IFT.

3 Read ftra'tR-.

6 Read arnri^TtTfN^JN^iT. In this and some expressions below, the writer has blindly
copied the masculine form of the usual draft referring to the donation of one village (tTHT:). Here the
neuter form is required so as to agree with
^ Read

8 Read -f^«i^«r^H'+Jr.

8 Read f^H
lORead ^rfNfq’.

*1 Read

12 Read

13 Read arr^^ifeT ^rpfnnT.
l"! Read -»rrfir^.

15 Read 'TfrWT^

15 Read

12 Read TOrff m.

18 Read

13 This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

20 Read

21 Metre: Anushtubh.

22 Read

23 Read

24 Perhaps JTfiiRT was intended, but the writer in copying the draft omitted the aksharas trfir bv

haplography. ^

25 There is an ornamental mark after this followed by two dandas and a horizontal stroke.

COEPUS INSCRIPTIONUiM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE V

BELORA PLATES (SET B) OF PRAVxARASENA II

XI, a

0 C Sircar

Reg No. 3977 £’36 -M03’62

Scale: Two-fifths

Printed AT THE Survey OF INDIA Offices 'P L O)

BELORA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

(Golden Age) {on the earth), who was born of Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of the Mahd-
rdjddhirdja, the illustrious Devagupta, and who is the son of the Mahdrdja, the illustrious

Rudrasena II —

{For translation of lines 1-10, see above, pp. 13-14.)

(Line 13). The village Mahalla-lata in the Asi bhukti in the mdrga of Sailapura
has been donated {by Us) to Suryasvamm of the Kasyapa gbtra and Taittiriya {sdkhd)
who resides in the {village) Pravaresvara-shadvimsati-vatakah

Wherefore, Our officials of noble birth, who are employed by the order of the
Sarvddhyaksha (General Superintendent) and who exercise their authority by {Our) com-
mand, and {Our) Soldiers and Policemen should be directed by the {following) command
which is already well-known {to them) i —

“ Be it known to you that in order to increase Our religious merit, life, power, victory
and prosperity, to secure Our well-being in this world and the next and to obtain blessings
for Ourself, We have given {this village) as a gift not previously made, with the pouring out
of water, in {Our) victorious place of religious worship.

{The rest of the grant is not forthcoming.)

Set B

(Line 12). By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (BE), the Mahdrdja of the

Vakatakas,

{For translation of lines 1 to 12, see above, pp. 13-14.)

The two villages {viz.) the village named Dirghadraba in the Pakkana rdshlra and
the village Mahallama-Kta in the Asi bhukti in the mdrga of Sailapura, have been donated
{by Us) to Suryasvamin of the Kasyapa gbtra and the Taittiriya sdkhd, who resides in the

Pravaresvara-shadvimsati-vataka.

{For translation of lines 15 to 25, see above, p. 14.)

(Line 26). And the following two verses sung by Vyasa should be regarded as an
authority on this point: —

{Here follow two benedictive and imprecatory verses.)

(Line 29). {This charter) was written by [Maui], Cbitravarman being the Sendpati,
on the thirteenth— 10 {and) 3 — {lunar day) in the bright fortnight of Karttika in the
eleventh — lo {and)t — {regnal) year.

1 This seems to be a territorial division of twenty-six villages named after a shrine in honour of Siva
under the name of Pravaresvara, apparently built by Pravarasena I. See below, p. 63.

No. 6: PL.A.TE VI

CHAMMAK PLATES PRAVARASENA n

T hese plates were found in about 1868 while ploughing a field at Ghammak (ancient
Charmahka), a village about four miles south-west of Achalpur in the Amaravati District
of Vidarbha. They were first brought to notice in 1879 by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji,
who published his reading of the text in Pamphlet No. 9 of the Archaeological Survey of
Western India, pp. 54 f They were next edited, with a translation, by Dr. Biihler, first in
the Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV', pp. 116 f, and again, with facsimiles of
the plates, but not of the seal, in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII, pp. 239. Finally, they were
published, with facsimiles and a translation, by Dr. Fleet in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum,
Vol. Ill, pp. 235 f. The original plates, which were obtained by Major H. Szczepanski,
are not forthcoming now. The record is, therefore, edited here from Dr. Fleet’s lithographs.

‘The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are seven in number,
each measuring from to 7^" by from 3^" to 3|". They are quite smooth, the edges of
them having been neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. A few of the letters on
the first and last plates have been damaged by rust ; but the rest of the inscription is in a state

of excellent preservation Towards the top of each plate there is a hole for a ring to

connect them. The ring is circular, about Y thick and Sf" in diameter. It was not
soldered into the socket of a seal; but the ends of it were flattened off, as if to overlap and
fasten with a pin or bolt; there is, however, no hole in them to show that they were ever
actually secured in this way. The seal is a flat disc of copper, rising slightly towards the
centre, about Y thick and 2Y in diameter. To the centre of the back of it there is soldered
a small ring, by which it slides on the larger ring mentioned above. Across the surface of

the seal there is the legend in four lines The weight of the seven plates is about 6 lbs. 14 oz.

and of the two rings and the seal, about 14^ oz. ; total, 7 lbs. 12| ozl’ The characters are of
the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets, but except in lines 58 and 59, the boxes at
the top of the letters are scooped out hollow. They include the numerical symbols for 8 and
10 in line 60, and for 8000 in line 19. The sign of the upadhmaniya occurs in lines 13, 16
and 32. The following peculiarities of the characters may be noted; — The medial i (long)
is shown by two curves turned in opposite directions; see sri-Bhavandga-, line 7; but in
Gautamiputrasya in line 8, the vowel is indicated by a single curve turned to the right; the
^^cdial au is bipartite, see dauhitra^, lines 7-8; t is generally unlooped and n is looped, but in
many places the two letters are confused; see atyatna- for atyanta, line 9 and sanndna- for
santdna- in line 12. The language is Sanskrit, and except for the legend on the seal and two
benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 36-39, the whole record is in verse. As regards
orthography, we may note the reduplication of a consonant before and after r as in kkrama-
in line 2 on the seal and saty-drjjava- in line 9, that of the consonant preceding y is Bhdgiratthy-,
line 6 and of v after an anusvdra in samvvatsare, line 60.

Like othei complete grants of the Vakatakas, the present record opens with the word
drishtam ‘seen ’. The plates were issued by Mah dr djaFra.vurasenn II of the Vakataka dynasty
from Pravarapura. His genealogy^ is given here exactly as in the preceding two grants, his
maternal grandfather being called Devagupta. The object of the inscription is to record the

W.U., Vol. Ill, pp. 235-36.

CHAMMAK PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

grant, by Pravarasena II, of the village Charmanka situated on the bank of the Madhunadi
in the rajya (division) of Bhojakata which consisted of 8000 nivartanas by the royal measure.
The donees were a thousand Brahmanash The grant was made at the request of Kondaraja^
the son of Satrughnaraja. This Kondaraja is also mentioned in line 45 of the Pattan plates.
The grant is dated on the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Jyestha in the i8th
regnal year. The Sendpati was Chitravarman. From the Belora plates. Set B, we know that
Chitravarman was holding the same post seven years earlier in the 11th regnal year of
Pravarasena II.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Pravarapura, which finds a men-
tion here for the first time, was evidently the later capital of Pravarasena II. His earlier
capital was Nandivardhana from which his two earlier grants were issued. Pravarapura
was evidently founded by Pravarasena II and named after himself. He appears to have
shifted his seat of government there some time after his eleventh regnal year. The exact
location of Pravarapura was long uncertain; but the recent discovery of several sculptures
of the Gupta-Vakataka period at Pavnar, 6 miles from Wardha, has rendered it probable
that the village marks the site of ancient Pravarapura. Charmanka is, of course, Chammak
where the plates were discovered. The Madhunadi on the bank of which it was situated is
now called Chandrabhaga. Bhnj akata, the headquarters of the division {rajya)
in which Charmanka was included, is an ancient city. It was founded by Rukmin, the
brother-in-law of Krishna. When the latter abducted his sister Rukmini, he vowed that he
would not return to Kundinapura, the capital of Vidarbha, unless he killed Krishna and
rescued his sister. As he did not succeed in this, he refused to return to Kundinapura, but
founded a new city named BhSjakata where he fixed his residence^. Bhojakata is usually
identified with Bhatkuli, a village about 8 miles from Amaravatl where there is still a temple
of Rukmin. Some images of Jain Tirthankaras were also discovered there several years ago.

Text3
First Plate

1 [l*]

2 d I 'd 4 ^ f ^ a 1 1^*1 d:

4 31 ( V ) I

5 lfd[d]Tr3fd' ( # ) ^T-

1 Though the Brahmana donees are said to have numbered a thousand, only 49 are actually
mentioned at the end of the record. Perhaps they represented others or were the heads of the families.
It is also not unlikely that the word sahasra is used indefinitely in the sense of a large number. Cf.
varsha-sahasra-go- brahmana . ... in line 15 of the Junagadh rock inscription of Rudradaman, Ep. Ind.,
Vol. VIII, p. 44, and vasa-sata-sahasdya in the Prakrit grant of Sivaskandavarman, ibid., Vol. I,
p. 7.

2Cf. apTRfiT 5 I

JRt II

II Harivamsa, II, 60, 31-32.

3 From the plates facing pp. 240-41 in Fleet’s C.I.I., Vol. III.

"i^Read

5 Read fcitur^^..

6 Read utuVi.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

8
9

Second Plate : First side

^ H-H^l ^ ) f^rq^rcii-ir^^IT-

5Wr dl + ld+MT

^(fr)^-

Second Plate: Second side

B dtd J- h! ( ^ ) <r'M 1 Rd 'JH'H B 9 d'4T '5^1 d H i m

^u^^l^d^Hl'(^)d'^d'ltfTT; ^=1 ^-6 <,d ':d' ( ^ ) °d i 't> 1 ed^ I -

TT *1^1 1^9 'J|tT

dl 9 1 TRT^FFlt +i^KN%n<!S^d-
[^PT*] ^^dV4^KI'^TTR^1^'=t^4Ki^a Idt TRTT-

Third Plate : First side

rdd'-dliimcM'^d'(^)^ (?r)=MT:i^^itd-

<tdifVr: c; o o o ( ^ ) ^*1 ( ff ) ^9l TFTPft-

^T^<ui-«ft dl^-^'T^r: [l*]

Third Plate : Second side

[i*] spii^iTiRdt ^o^TFTnTRdt ^TT^f^r^rrfnT-
^i-MidlPddVR ^Fd^glT ai+<dr4t® 3nTH^(=s^) wt^[;*]

Fourth Plate : First side

3ltipTT77ftd1^[:*] 3T^(’^)M^W^[:*] 3r^(^)Tr-

^d^^^I^-R [:*] 31 Ac| ui f4AHV4>P'Kd'dd^[:*]

^1 <9 O f

arpd^^rfewpf)^: 5T9td'(TT)^TPR^: ^('5^)dt T ^■-
di%S^rTRr(d:) ■+ t 1 oil c4 fd^J-1 iftT^d" ( ^ ) ^firdW^TT ( fc )

[l*] dTdW‘“ 5rRpmWTTd^(d:) ^d^(d9T)Rf9 [T*]f7:dTIT "-

1 Fleet proposed to read but it gives no good sense. The Pattan plates (No. 13)

give ^iTT=r in line 11.

2 The engraver first incised , which he later corrected into f^.

3 The engraver first incised ^ and later corrected it into

4 Read JT^flWpiTWRd.

5 Read -Wkt fWTTtr-.

6 The engraver first incised and later corrected it into

7 Read -f^fe-.

3 Read -sR^d:.

9 Read

10 Read or as in the PaUan plates (No. 13), line 35.

11 After this word, ^^ql-was incised and then cancelled.

CHAMMAK PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

1‘LATE VI

-JL, ^ -TXT'

^ o-^

■

.3-^ -AT^

'■^' St

1^?! I

Al® #!:

■rr^

'^A.' ik-

I'igSv^a.X)^ ©

V), 'te »'

' ■ ■*'

’^j^- ^ 'k -

^ 3pQi .

'-v^

'»S

^ :-^ 0-.

■ .'TiV

iii .rt

. . , ♦' *vo ru

' i*r ’■ ^ UJ; ,-

. '■ *U - CTD On;/

.'■T ijj-t';, fi ia»j
>uAi^r— ,, .V,, -c‘|a

■!«( U ir‘ri • t ^ ''O's^Sal

,:Tj

- ■ j i i/ ^

*'■

■',,; *u >;

*T;

* V;ri,.
'■ tr-,-

‘'T-*

li k .-

.'lii.L- *‘1

r . I U. L »J^

• C-: -^-- ^

.'1 r_.'.^, ',«?'.

V'oo;„

4 4.^

ili— >5 . V *t V rt

PT^-o '

5 &x, •XxC’-j • t-fe <rz

- Ilf- 4 k - • ‘ . / '

' ^ '■^; ^:.
.g -c^ ^ ^, ' :::g=

#^?<l '

IK'v»;^ 0£fe ‘ ; irtj ' , J

r^' ..GTii^^nPiT^

f&, hs-ti ».y • C-jji - -.y^-’

•% 'x %

• V^»4>X

K^«^‘ Oft»

6Z .'fc^

hs-tj'Vlj

■?ll ■•'Li . -l^^.

Sircar oCiilGl iN lIlG- tWGIlLilGlillS Printfd at the Survfy of India OFMCts

-■ '’a

^ <e

r^^ ■ ,,

Y|||, ^ ,pji‘

-®?

^ • fi*ji»C^' ,g4

IVKaBHlHBiBaBH

J\ - ■ ■ ■~^z>^’'‘^''- ■./‘VJ"' ^

•cS^

. V ' ^ - *5 ^

tjKi ^ » '-rrt j:

.ej

• rrf ,. i,-

•■S'

IL# ^ 5lj»

^ /^^fK ■' ^

Sii' fl

'< r\.

cjj? .

.*=^M^- ■ 9tj

- ■ ■ ^ ’» '

^ '3,

' M ^‘oc Qi* a.'f

'^^fcik'.a.

-A ' : ^ ■

ki- ^

_ ■ ^ -3 , 'Oci ^..

r^iV ' '^*

■‘i4-‘-;' ^ i

03 - 1=^ Ef :%= :xf

j, ^ 4^9^ --

:>:

CHAMMAK PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

Fourth Plate : Second side

R II 3Tf^(f^)^ RPRf5r(^)TWf 3T% ( ^ ) cTH ( tI ) ( ^ ) R-

5TT(tt) Rt ^ T^TTr(TTR) I f^(^)-

Fifth Plate : First side

[ll^ll*]Tfe: (fw) ^RiR RtR^ R-

fc: [l*] RTWRT TFRT TR1 ¥r [iPJI*] ^(^T)RR-

[l*] R^T TTWt R-

’RTf TT^ 3| s\m R-d 1 ( RT ) RT [R*] H r 1' <1 ( T ) 9 1 « I f<+TI ^1 -

fr ( ^ ^ ^(RT)R[R*]f4Rt 3PWnT(R)^-ll^

Fifth Plate: Second side

RT(Tr)^lRt 3TI R-si lU^M di'IR^il : [l *] SRft^RRT f^RTWftRRt RT®
Tm: RfR^#R f^#Rf:(R:) 3T^RRiR% [l*] RT(R)fR[RT’]f^R^RTR
RKfRRrrT(^:) [l*] RTRRTRR: RRFR: RTcRTRRFR: RK^N-
fRIWRf4[:*] MKrR^Rf^iFR? (rt) 4: Rt^RTr4[:*]®

^TWm: +ffiduii (Fr)RRT^[;*] ^RT 4 [:*] ^feFRf 4 [:*]

Sixth Plate: First side

RRSFIfRTFr[TRf] 4 [:*] R^feiR ( ^ ) RT[r]r^ RWRf
RlWRf RRgl[R*]RTf4RF4" RR^FRf R7FR:
RtRRrR(t)RT4 [:*] RRRFRf RRRTRf RK^M^^FFRf
[RrjR^TFfr <dfd'^FRf R<-rI 4 [:*] RK^NR^-Rf 4 [:*]
R5^RT4[:*] iFFFRf t^TFFRf RTRFRT

Sixth Plate : Second side

^TFR\+-<| 4 [:*] RK^Nd'^m 4 [;*] RTRf 4 [;*] RlWRRRr 4 [:l* ]
R4wtWF44[:*] RR(r)r^ W4[:*] RTR-

FF[M[;*] t^RWRM[:*] R^RwflWfRFRTt-

IRRF4f4[:*]

T 4fT4[:*]

Seventh Plate

R id ^rtd 4d T f RR[F"]4[: *] TRfdRFRf4[: *]
4 ^ 5 ^FRf 4 [;*] FrfeRfRnRFRf 4 [:*] ^RTf^FFRf-

1 It would be better to read ^HTTST.

2 The sign of upadhmdnlya before this akshara is cancelled.
3 Metre of this and the next verse: Anushtubh.

4 Originally later corrected into =^.

5 This mark of punctuation is to be omitted.

6 Originally o^T, later corrected into

^ Originally later corrected into tn'.

3 This ^4 is incised below TT of
9 Read ^R^-.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

60 c;

61 II

Seal

2 ^(^)RTfWTf^: [l*]

4 ^TPTfT lT55TnTH(TiT)^ [ll*]

Translation

Seen. Hail! From Pravarapura —

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (II), the Aialidrdja of the Vakatakas,
who is a fervent devotee of Mahesvara, who, by the grace of ^ambhu, has established the
Krita-yuga (Golden Age) {on the earth), who was born of Prabhavatigupta the daughter
of the Mahdrdjddhirdja, the illustrous Devagupta, and who is the son of the Alahdrdja, the
illustrious Rnflrasena (11) —

{For translation of lines 1 to 14, see above, pp. 13-14.)

(Line 18). The village named Ghannanka {consisting of) eight thousand — 8000-(wiMr-
tanas) of land, according to the royal measure, {situated) on the bank of the {river) Madhunadi
in the rdjya of Bhojakata, has, at the request of Kondaraja, the son of Satrughnaraja,
been given to a thousand Brahmanas of various gdtras and charanas.

{For translation of lines 2\ to 35, see above, pp. 14-15.)

(Line 36). The {following) two verses sung by Vyasa should be regarded as an authority
on this point; —

{Here occur two benedictive and imprecatory verses.)

(Line 39). And this condition of the charter should be maintained by the Brahmanas
and {future) kings : — ( This grant shall be enjoyed by the Brdhmarias) as long as the sun and the
moon will endure, provided that they commit no treason against the kingdom consisting of
seven constituents^ of the {future) kings ; that they are not found guilty of the murder of a
Brahmana, theft, adultery and high treason, etc.; that they do not wage war; {and) that
they do no harm to other villages. But if they act otherwise or assent to such acts, the
king will commit no theft if he takes the land away {from them).

(Line 44). And the recipients {of the grant) appointed for the occasion in this respect
are {as follows) : —

Ganarya of the I^atyayana {gotra); Devarya of the Vatsya {gotra); Kumarasarmarya
of the Bharadvaja {gotra) ; Guhasarman of the Parasarya {gotra) ; Devarya of the Kasyapa
{gotra) ; {and) Mahesvararya {and) Matrarya3;Rudraryaof theKaundinya {gotra) ; Somarya {and)
Harisarmarya; Kumarasarmarya of the Bharadvaja {gotra)-, Matrisarman of the Kaundinya
{gotra)-, {and) Varasarman, Gonda^arman {and) Nagasarman; Santisarman of the Bharadvaja
{gotra); {and) Rudrasarman; Bhojakadevarya of the Vatsya {gotra); {and) Maghasarman {and)
Devasarman; Mokshasarman of the Bharadvaja {gotra); {and) Nagasarman, Revatisarman,

^ Metre: Anushtubh.

2 These are the king, his ministers, ally, territory', treasure, fortress and army.

3 These two also probably belonged to the same gotra KaSyapa. So also in the following, where
no gotra is mentioned, that named before is to be understood.

CHAMMAK PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

{and) Dharmarya; Sarmarya of the Bharadvaja (gotra); (and) Nandanary^a, Mulasarman,
Isvarasarman Varasarman; Skandarya ofthe Vatsya {gotra); Bapparya of the Bharadvaja
{gotra ) ; {and) Dharmarya ; Skandarya of the Atreya {gotra) ; Somasarmarya of the Gautama
{gotra); {and) Bhartrisarman ; Rudrasarmarya, Magharya, Matrisarmaiya {and)
Isvarasarmarya ; Matrisarmarya of the Gautama {gotra) ; Devasarmarya of the Kaundinya
{gotra); {and) Varasarmarya {and) Roharya; Svamidevarya of the Gautama {gotra); {and)
Revatisarmarya {and) Jyeshthasarmarya; Kumarasarmarya of the Sandilya {gotra); {and)
Svatisarmarya ; {and) Kandarya of the Satyayana {gotra) and others.

(Line 59). {This) charter has been wiitten, Ghitravarman being the Sendpati, on
the thirteenth {lunar day) of the bright fortnight of the month Jyeshtha in the eighteenth-
to (and) 8 — {regnal) year.

Seal

{This is) the enemy-chastising command of the king Pravarasena (II), the ornament
of the Vakatakas, who has attained royal fortune by inheritance.

Xo. 7 : Plate VII

SIWANI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA H

T hese plates were found in the possession of a Malguzar named Hazari Gond living at the
village of Pindarai in the Siwam tahsil of the Chhindwada District of Madhya Pradesh.
They were brought to notice in 1836, in t\\t Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. V,
pp. 726 f., where Mr. James Prinsep published his transcript of the text and a translation of
it, accompanied by a lithograph of the plates. They were next edited by Dr. Fleet in the
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Wl. Ill, pp. 243 f. together with a translation and lithographs
of the plates. They are edited here from the same lithographs.

‘ The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are five in
number, each measuring about by 4j' at the ends and somewhat less in the middle.
They are quite smooth, the edges of them having been neither fashioned thicker, nor raised
into rims. The inscription is in a state of perfect preservation throughout.... The
engraving is very good. . . Towards the proper right end of each plate, there is a hole
for a ring to connect them. The ring is circular, about f" thick and 3|" in diameter. The
ends of it were flattened off, so as to overlap, and were fastened with a pin or bolt. . . .
The seal is a thin flat disc of copper, about 3 in diameter. A bolt in the centre of it secures
it to a thin band of copper, about f" broad and in circumference, by which it slides on
the ring mentioned above. Across the surface of the seal there is a legend in four lines.
The weight of the five plates is about 3 lbs. 4| oz., and of the ring and seal, 5|- oz.; total
3 lbs. oz. The average size of the letters is about f , except on the seal and the last plate,
where they are larger, The characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alpha-
bets, resembling those of the Jamb plates. The only peculiarities that may be noted are as
follows — kh has a rectangle at the bottom; see -khanakah, line 29; ^ is not distinguished clearly
from d', see danda, line 1 1 ; n shows the same form as in modern Nagari; see -ydjinah, line 2;
b has two forms (i) the square one as in Bemd-, line 17 and (ii) that with a notch in the left
limb as in Brihaspati-, line 1 ; a final consonant is indicated by its short form and in some
cases by means of a short horizontal stroke at the top; see drishtam, line 1 and rdja-vansdndm,
line 5. The sign of the upadhmdmya occurs in line 3 of the legend. The language is
Sanskrit, and except for the legend and two benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end,
the inscription is in verse throughout. As regards orthography, we may note (i) the redupli-
cation of the consonant following r as in -Aptbryydm-, line 1 and that of the consonant pre-
ceding and V as in Bhdgiratthy-, line 5 and addhvaryyave, lines 19-20; (ii) the use of n for
anusvdra before s and j as in vansa-, line 5 and 17 and ansa-, line 4; and (iii) the use of li for
the medial vowel li in -klipt-opaklipta-, in line 30.

The inscription, which opens with drishtam, [?, one of MflAaro/a Pravarasenall of the
V^ataka dynasty. His genealogy is given here exactly as in his other grants, his maternal
grandfather being called Devagupta. The object of the present inscription is to record the
grant, by Pravarasena II, of the village Brahmapuraka to the Brahmana Devasarmacharya
of the Maudgalya gotra and Taittiriya sdkhd. The place of issue is not named in the record, but
it was probably the royal capital Pravarapura; for, the grant is said to have been made at

1 Fleet, C.LL, Vol. Ill, pp. 243 f.

SIWANI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

the victorious place oi religious worship [vaijayika- dharma-sthcma , The donated village was
situated in the Bexmakarpara-*bhoga and lay to the north of Va^puraka^ to the west of

Kinihikhetaka, to the south of Favarajjavataka and to the east of KoUapuraka. The

village adjoining it was named Karanjaviraka. The grant was made on the i2th titiii of
the bright fortnight of Phalguna in the eighteenth regnal year expressed in Avords) of
Pravarasena IE The Senapati at the time A\’as Bappadeva. The charter was Avritten b\'

Acharya.

The localities mentioned in the present plates remained unidentified for a long time.
Fleet suggested the identification of only one of them, viz., Kollapuraka tvhich he thought
was possibly identical with ‘ the modern Kblapoor of the map, twenty-one miles south of
Illchpur This is incorrect; for, the real name of the place is Khblapur and it tvas founded
by Kholesvara, a well-known general of the great Yadava king Sihghana, tvho named it
after himself and granted it as an agrahdra to Brahmanas^. Again, none of the other villages
can be identified in the vicinity of Kholapur. ^Vhile editing the Patna Museum plate of
Pravarasena II, Dr. Altekar suggested that Brahmapuraka named in it to define the boundary
of the donated ^’illage Sriparnaka was identical with the village of the same name granted
by the present plates. He identified it rvith Brahmanwada near Achalapur^. This identi-
fication also is open to the same objection; for, none of the other villages can be ideniilied
in the vicinity of Brahmanwada. The statement in the present grant that Brahmapuraka
w'as situated in Bennakapara-bhoga is important. Like Bennakata of the Tirodi plates'^,
this bhuga also must have derived its name from the river Benna, modern W'aingahga^, and
must hat e included the territory in the vicinity of that river. ^\ ith this clue I could
identify most of the villages mentioned in the present grant. Karahja, about 6 miles from
Amgaon, a railway station on the Calcutta-Nagpur line of the South-Eastern Raihvat , is
probably the ancient Karanjaviraka. Brahmapuraka, the donated village, is Bahmni,
about three miles from Karanja. KSUapuraka of the plates is now represented by
Kulpa near Karahja, about 5 miles to the west of Bahmni. Favarajjavataka and Vata-
puraka may be the modern Paraswada and Badgaon near Bahmni'’. These places lie ^\ ithin
20 to 30 miles from the eastern bank of the ^\ aingahga and were in all probability included
in the Bennakaipara-bhoga mentioned in the present plates.^

First Plate

1 This expression generally occurs in the grants made at the royal capital.

2Cf. ^ l n C. H. Khare, Souuts of the

Mediaeval Historj of the Deccan^ p. 64
Vol. XIV, p. 472.

4 See No. 11, line 13.

5 This river is called Vena in the ^lahdbhdTdta (.Sabhapaiwan, Adhyaya 31, ay 12), Padmapurana
(svargakhanda, adhyaya, 30, \’V'. 30-32, and adhyaya 114, \'v. 2/-28). The yidTkandeayaptudtia and the
Alatsyapurdna call it Venya. Venva in the Vdyu (ad. 45, v. 102) and Kurma (ad. 47, v. 32) arc
evidently corrupt forms of the Sanskrit name Venya,

^ Paraswada and Badgaon do not lie to the north and south of Bahmni as stated in the plates, but are
situated in the opposite directions. The official Avho drafted the present charter must have been res-
ponsible for the mistake.

7 The identifications of these places were first suggested by me in the Nagpur I niierdty journal.
No. I, pp. Iff.

^From the faedmiles facing pages 248 and 249 in Flret’s CJJ., \ ol. III.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

8
9

20
21
22

26
27

airZFcTFTrfRR^-

( T ) f^l ^ fiN R t^^-

(^5TT)TrR; T'T^iRlfTJTT

Second Plate: First side

M M H->1 ITfil 4 H I ^1 II 'd =Tr^Tr-
JTTtflwr ^%fR(BT)5WI 5^ 1^ dl4>ld4.HI+-R^RFirMT-
^rfl: I

s^f^Wrqf^WTT^Tfd’ ( '^ ) Br^ (
c5|THTd J^eqifdiTUi I
^’IW'4 d M <^4 91 fd «I : TfTfeTT#=d?4.|ddrrd

, Second Plate: Second side

^[;*] ^ITd'^^'TTu'r: M^r^TMlfjdd-
1 d r+' I dip I d ^1 <1 d ( «fr ) TfJT
q-ot<r^ Idd Rltd^fT^r: ^ddd^Tdl^W-

O O C. 'O o

fv^rd^dfi^: R^RRlfdTR5^^ddd'^^d^d I’-M'd Idfd (^)-
Tf'^dTTnTrWRT 5rPdT[;*] WR'ff^(^)d>IH'dd^i|: (RT) ^TTOT-

Thied Plate: First side

d-5T|^^| 0-JT^ 1 P^lNN'^'YrdT^dFd dddTd^ tiWI-
d>R <'^r(‘)fr)Tr Td'idrd<Rd^=d':'H<‘^ i i ^ftrt-

I d%tT(^)«TrdTd^d^4-

t I'id k'td^''^=dH TOT?: ^FTc^^T^TcT:

W^'^T'P^Id TOt%TO; [i*] I f^f«l%d-

dTOimW I STT^^rdlTOTT I TOd5-^<TOl

Third Plate: Second side

I td^flH 19 < { fr) ^ '=P'<'='dfd dd>dd I sidlFBc^Ti^M:
TOft-q-^ ( fr ) dTTlfdd ^d I : sn^ W I 1 HTfidT

f^s^^Tt^otqr" STOTT STwrfjTTOT: [l*] fdfel-
^-(^0 TOTtFRlf^: Sj fry’ll "d 1 d «4 <d:fc|'d'4 ^d '*•4 fd^^'iT ( ^ ) 4"

^(^)H^Jkdl':4dl':dl (RT)dlTi^ld I ddfdip dTRPdT#'® SHTJ-

Foiirth Plate: First side

=s^(to)WTTO: sTRITTOtW^: sryq' ^d'H^dl^ -*] TO-

1 Read ^RT.

- Read 3r?T-.

3 This and similar marks of punctuation in lines 7-31 are unnecessary.
“^It is not necessar\' to correct this into TRm as proposed by Fleet.
3 Read afsTR^TT-.

6 Read

7 Read arrjr^^.

3 Read

9ff, which was engraved at first, was later changed to f^.

•0 Supply 3rfiT*Jce;.

STWANI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM IXDICARUM

VOL. VI

1‘LATE VIT

(71

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tr-=i. c ^ gPj-

5315 Him

o^iT. 5? Sie”^' SL

: SUtj he trp 55

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pp ^ §r gT, C^ pj

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tr-=j

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g= ^“WcSeJcS?

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^■^anJ

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tno ffo Etr

JSCU'IB* ►Six~t}lcv01lt'iis pR^NTtO AT THC SUHVtY Of INOIA Ofrtrr^ (P

(HtiJ •*-3^

Ji?

c:^

n^.-

SIWANI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

32 ^4f^ff^: ( ^ ) ^[l *]

34 ^

35 f

36 3T%(^)m#^

37 [l*]

38 ^iw*i: II

Fourth Plate: Second side

i fJ^TTR t% [l*]

II 3if^(f^)^ '4[^^]fw?:-
hmF<hmh^

=5rTT

rsTT II

Fifth Plate

39 5FTI^ RT^ [l*] STPS#^ =^4TWT(5W)

40 ^ T# ( ^ ) '^ [" *] I ==< f ^ ^ ^-

41 T ^TrrR(R) [l*] ItfFTfRfril

II ^ l)

Seal

Translation

Seen. By the order of the Maharaja, the illustrious Pravarasena ill), who is an orna-
ment of the Vakataka family ; who, by the grace of Sambhu, has established the Krita-yuga
{on the earth) ; who tvas born of Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of the Mahdrajddhiraja, the
illustrious Devagupta; tvho has exterminated all his enemies by his excellent policy, strength
and valour; w^ho follows the path adopted by former kings (and) who is the son of Rudrasena
(n), the Aiahdrdja of the Vakatakas: —

{For translation of lines 1 to 13, see above, pp. 13-14.)

(Line 17). The village named Brakmapuraka, together with kdrata^^ and the right to
levy a tax equal to one-fiftieth’2 (of the sale-price), situated in the blioga of Bennakarpara, has
been given, with the pouring out of tvater, to the Adhvaryu, Achdrya Devasarman of the

^At first f?t, later corrected into t 5 r.

2 Read

3 Read

■^Other cognate plates have generally '41^? <+<'*?.

5 Read

6 Read ^ #cTqTR:.

7 Read

^Metre of this and the next verse: Anushtubh.

9 Read Wt.

'®Metre: Anushtubh.

**The meaning of koraUi is not certain.

•2For this tax, see MSM., ch. VH, 130. v.

IXSCRIPTIOXS OF THE MAIN BR.\XCH

. 3 ->

Mauclgaly a and the Taittirn a sdk/id, on the twelftH {lunar day) in the bright (fortnight) ■*

of the eighteenth regnal) year.

\Thi.s village lies), according to tiie specification of its boundaries, adjoining [the village)

Karahjaviraka, to the north of Vatapuraka, to the west of Kinihikhetaka, to the south
of Pavarajjavataka \and) to the east of KoUapuraka.

(For translation of lines 23 to 34, see above, p. 14.)

I Line 33 . Flits' charter- has been written b\' Acharya, while Bappadeva is the
Sendpati.

And in this matter of religion We, in order to avoid mention of the meritorious
deeds already done, do not refer to {Our) care and protection of the grants of many
past kings. (And) We make this request to future rulers out of reverence for them,

. Line 38 j. The < follozeing) \ erses sung by \’yasa should be regarded as authoritative
on thi> point: —

Herr nccnr lic'o henedictive and imprecatory verses.)

Seal

hoc translation of the legend on the seal, see above, p. '27.)

COKJ’rs IXSCRIPTIOXUM IXDIC'ARUM

VO I.. VI

PLATE VIT(coi)tdj

SEALS OF PRAVARASENA II

Seal of the Cliaminak Plates

Seal of the Siwani Plates

D C Sirc'^r

( from photographs )

Printed AT THE Survey OF India Offices 'P L O

Reg No 3977 £ 36 -nC3 ‘62

Xo. 8; Plate VIII

RIDDHAPUR PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

T hese plates were found in the possession of Alahanta Dattaraja of the \Iahanubha\'a
sect. They were discovered at Riddhapur in the MorsI tahsil of the xAmaravati District
in Vidarbha. They have been edited twice by Air. Y. R. Gupte, first in Marathi in the
Bhdrata Itihdsa Sarhhdhaka Mandal Quartedy, Vol. Ill, Nos. 2-4, pp. 89 f., and again, with
negative facsimiles and an English translation, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
New Series, Vol. XX, pp. 53 f The plates are now deposited in the Bharata Itihasa Sam-
sodhaka Alandal, Poona. They are edited here from the same facsimiles.

The copper-plates are four in number, measuring 5^" long, 3|" broad and I" thick.
The first and fourth plates are inscribed on one side only, and the other two, on both the
sides. There are thirty-two lines of writing in all, of which five are inscribed on the first,
and three on the fourth plate. The remaining plates have six lines on each side. The
letters on the first and fourth plates and those in the first two lines on the first side of the
second plate are larger and thicker than those in the other lines. The letters are well cut
and the record is in a good state of preservation. Each plate has a round hole 6/16" in
diameter for the ring which must have held the plates together, but neither the ring nor the

seal which it must have carried is now forthcoming. The weight of the four plates is 115
tolas.

The characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets resembling those
of the Jamb and other plates of Pravarasena II. The only peculiarities that need be stated
here are as follows — The length of the medial t (long) is indicated by a double curve or by
a dot in a circle; see m-Ghalotkacha-, line 2 and -mahishi, line 9; the rare initial ai occurs in
aihik-, line 13; medial au is bipartite as in -dauhitrb, line 3; kh has a loop at the bottom in
-khanaka, line 19, but not in likhitam, line 31; and s have curves turned inside at the end of
their left member as in -nagare, line 12 and -varshajata- In line 11 ; ^ and d are distinguished
in danda-, line 24; b occurs with a notch on the left, as in Kubera-, line 8; a final consonant is
shown by its small size, but has no vertical stroke at the top; see vasundhararn, line 28; the sign
of the jihvdmulFja occurs in line 22 and that of the upadhnidniya in lines 1, 6, 22, 27 and 29.
Interpunctuation is Indicated by vertical strokes as in line 1 or by dots or a small horizontal
stroke as in lines 16 and 32. The language is Sanskrit, and e.xcept for a verse at the end, the
whole record is in prose. As regards orthography, we may note the reduplication before
and after r as in pardkkram-, line 26 and chdturvvidya-, line 1 7 ; that of a consonant before v
as in -pdd-dnuddhydtb, line 5, and the use of /i for the medial vowel li in klipt-opakliptam, line 20.

The inscription opens with Jitani Bhagavatd ‘Victory has been attained by the Lord’,
which occurs also in the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta. There is, however, no word like
drishtam ‘ seen ’ which occuis in the latter grant as well as in almost all complete charters
of Pravarasena II. The characters as well as the wording of the present grant, however, leave
no doubt that it is genuine.

The inscription is one of Mahddevi Prabhavatigupta, the chief queen of the
Vakatoka Mahdrdja Rudrasena II and the mother of the Vakataka Mahdrdja Damodara-
sena-Pravarasena. As shown below, the record is dated in the 19th regnal year of
the Vakataka king Pravarasena II, but, strange as it may appear, the introductoiy

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

portion of the grant gi\'es the genealogy of the Guptas and not of the \ aka takas. This is
also seen in the Poona plates which were issued when Prabhavati ^v■as acting as Regent for her
minor son Tuvardja Di\akarasena. The introduction of the Gupta genealogy in the latter
grant can be explained as due to the influence of the Gupta officials sent by Chandragupta
II to Vidarbha to help his widowed daughter in the government of the A aka taka kingdom.
No such explanation will, however, avail in the present case; for Prav'arasena II was a
grown up man when the present grant was made. In all his earlier grants he has given
his otvn genealogy in the introductory portion. The use of the Gupta genealogy here
must therefore be attributed to Prabhavati’s pride in her descent from the Gupta family.

The genealog;y of the Guptas is given here exactly as in Prabhav'atl’s Poona plates,
the only difference being that the imperial title Mahdrdjddhirdja is here applied only to
Chandragupta II, all his predecessors including the great Emperor Samudragupta being
styled as Mahdrdja. The Vakataka kings Rudrasena II and Pravarasena II mentioned
in the grant are also styled as Maharaja. PrabhavatIgupta is described as meditating on
the feet of the Bhagavat. Like her father, she was a devotee of Vishnu.

The plates w ere issued from the foot-prints of ‘the lord of Ramagiri’, who is e\ idently
identical with Ramachandra, an incarnation of Vishnu. The object of the inscription is to
record the grant, by Prabhavati, of a field together with a house and four huts of farmers in
Asvatthanagara which lay in the mdrga (subdivision) of Kosika. The donees are not men-
tioned by name, but are described as Brahmanas, with or without sons, who were of the Parasara
gotra and the Taittirlya sdkiid. The grant is dated, at the end, on the twelfth tithi of the bright
fortnight of Karttika in the nineteenth regnal year of Pravarasena. As Prabhavati was
a devotee of Vishnu, she seems to have made the present grant on the occasion of the pdrand
(completion) of her fast on the preceding Prabodhini Ekadasi. Her Poona grant also w^as made
on a similar occasion. The Dutaka w^as Devanandasvamin and the scribe Prabhusimha.

There is one expression in the description of Prabhavati which has led to much
controversy. Mr. Gupte, who edited the plates, read it as s-dgra-varsha-sata-diva-putra-pautrd
and proposed the following two renderings — (i) w ho has sons and grandsons, a life of full
hundred years and will (in the end) live in heaven, and (^ii) wLo has renowned sons and
grandsons and who has lived a life of full hundred years’. Mr. Gupte remarked that the
expression need not be taken literally and that what was intended was that Prabhavati-
gupta lived for a long time and saw illustrious sons and grandsons. It has since been showm^
that the correct reading is -jlva-putra-pautrd, not -diva-putra-pautrd. Dr. R. C. Majtimdar
took the expression literally and understood it as meaning that Prabhavati lived for more
than a hundred years and had sons and grandsons^. On this interpretation he based his theory
of Vakataka chronology. It does not, however, appear to be correct. In the expression cited
above, jiva-putra-pautrd means ‘ having living sons and grandsons ’. Similar expressions
jiva-sutd or jiva-putrd occur in the Rigveda, the Mahdbhdrata and the Rdmdyana as well as in
some old inscriptions^. To have living sons and grandsons is regarded as a sign of good

M.S., Vol. XX, pp. 56 and 60.

2 This w'as first pointed out by Prof. Jagan Nath in IV, p. 59.

^J.R.A.S.B., Vol. XII, pp. 1 f

^Cf (i) ^ t Rigveda X, 36, 9.

(ii) it ^ i

JT R R tr ii MBH, v, 144, 2.

(iii) i

TrtTF^ fRT RTlftT wrffRtr' ll Rdmdyna IV, 19, 11.

(iv) l Nasik cave inscription, Ep. Ind., Vol. VTII, p. 73.

RIDDHAPUR PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

fortune and is therefore often mentioned in the description of women. The preceding expres-
sion s-dgra-varsha-sata indicating long life must evidently be connected with jiva. The
expression, therefore refers to the long life of the sons and grandsons of Prabhavati and not
to her own. Besides, to a widow like Prabhavatigupta a long life of a hundred years is most
distasteful. No Indian wido^v is likely to boast of it in her own record. The long life men-
tioned in the expression must therefore be taken to refer to that of the sons and grandsons
of Prabhavati. The expression cannot, of course, be taken literally, but must be interpreted
like the epithets dlrghayuh or dyushmat applied to small children. The intention in such
cases is to express the wish that they would be long-lived. The expression therefore means
‘ who has sons and grandsons who (it is hoped) \vill live for a full hundred years

Prabh\'atigupta is again described in line 10 as the mother of the Vakataka Mahdrdja,
the illustrious Damodarasena-Pravarasena. This expression also has been interpreted
differently by different scholars. Dr. Mujumdar says that Damodarasena and Pra\ arasena
were two different sons of Prabhav ati. AVe must note, however, that the expression uses the
phrase Vdkdtakdndm Mahdrdjah in connection with the name of Damodarasena, but not with
that of Pravarasena II. When we remember how particular the drafters of Vakataka grants
were about the use of this title in connection with the name of ev'ery Vakataka king who
actuallv^ reigned*, it looks strange that the title should not have been prefixed to the name
of Pravarasena II, who was ruling at the time. Again, if the intention w as to name all sons
of Prabhavati, the name of Divakarasena also should have been added. It seems probable
therefore, that Damodarasena and Pravarasena II were identical and that the latter name
was adopted by the prince at the time of his accession.

As for the place-names mentioned in the present grant, Ramagiri is undoubtedly
modern Ramtek, about 28 miles north of Nagpur. It lies only about 3 miles from Nandiv'ar-
dhana, modern Nagardhan, the earlier capital of the Vakatakas. In Kalidasa’s Meghaduta,
Ramagiri is mentioned as the place where the yaksha, exiled from Alaka, lived for a year. From
the description in Kalidasa’s poem we learn that the hill was marked by the venerable foot-
prints of Raghupati (Ramachandra)^, and it is noteworthy that the present grant was made
bv Prabhavatigupta near the foot-prints of the Lord of Ramagiri. The geographical situa-
tion of Ramtek answers to the description of Ramagiri in the Meghaduta^ and it is known to
have been regarded as a holy place for several centuries. There should therefore be no
doubt about this identification. Several grants of Prabhavatigupta and Pravarasena II
were made after being offered to the Bhagav^at who was plainly none but the god Rama-
chandra whose pddukds were installed at Ramagiri. Asvatthanagara has been identified
with Asatpur in the Achalpur tahsil of the Amaravatl District of Vidarbha^^. Kosika, the
headquarters of the mdrga in which Asvatthanagara was situated, cannot, however, be
located in its neighbourhood.

Text5
First: Plate

> Notice the omission of the title Vdkdtdkdncith Mahdrdjah in connection with the name ofGautami-
putra, who predeceased his father Pravarasena I. See, above, No. 3, line 7.

2Cf. 'Ttrt I verse 12.

3 For a fuller discussion of this identification, see my article ‘Location of Ramagiri ’ in the Xagpur
University Journal, No. IX, pp. 9 fi. See also my Studies in Indologj, \ ol. I, pp. 12 f.

4j.d.6'.fi., jY.S., Vol. XX, p. 58.

5 From the negative facsimiles facing pages 58 and 60 in J.A.S.B., Vol. XX.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

8
9

16
17

7T3ft‘ 5^ R^TTT^^T^-

H-^Koi||(o?Tt) ^ITi '4^1 ^ TT-

-^-H KH^^Idl -ilTTPTdTTd-.d' ff?; 4"i| +1 fd-H M i ¥^ ^4 ^ I^T-

Second Plate : First Side

=^T iTf 5rfT7;^-qTiT-^ m Td t q-^T<°Tr(sTr)

^dTfTTnT5iTt^Vi9*^d^d4i| if^TT TRuraJltTT
TFTfWt^WTTT(irt) ftTr(T)TFT(Tr)^5qRrTvJT
^TTW dT+TdT^Kl{Tr) RfTTM'iW#TF!TWRf^

rTTdR;?^F=TT ’TR =fT5Td ^Tt^'^T'TTTT «r ( ^ ) ) T=ft--

Stcond Plate: Second Side

T'^TT II ^f5RnTFit(R) ^ ( TT ) WRB^rTTr ( TT ) ^

f 4r4 1 ^ ( BT ) fri'TTd ( % ) [l *]^fTWfTTB PfB ^ 9 < (^)

TW^rTtTOT(m) I’^d I'JI 1^ 3I4TT-

R^Hd^H[T*] ^ =TfTP:(fT)

^ ) ^rrTm5^TRd=P^4 ( ) wRTr[T] ^(fT)^(^) I

Third Plate : first Side

18 3T^TTrTt(fT)' STTHT-

19 ^T^T^rI^IT ( T ) 3T^R^TlT^^vr%PrPTTT^ ( ^ ) (fe’)9R^Kl (t)-

20 HR^d(T ) ^rf^TR ’HTMfdTR ^IT^ ( ^ ) RTTf^ ( ^ ) RTf ( ) =c{^-

21 fWd)M'YT(T) JTTTTRTrfR ^=-^dl (tI) T TT fil^^l^ld -

22 [l=!c]

23 =5riHRM9'J|imM[;*] ^^-rmfM- 9fW4T(Tr) (t)T TT ?TFT

Third Plate : Second Side

28
29

didf^atM ^FfrWT: [l*] 3I%R(f^)^

d'l'Jl 3Rt(^)aM't><M';ni (^)^f^-dd (R)TMr<MI'?ld jnznd+lT^d-
mPi^i <K 54 T d^rliilH: [l*] tl o-M 1 ) TT’ I'M <, 1 4^4) M’Pd-

Piai’-=lTlHMIHI (Tr)?1Ni|R; I sin'TntT^-dlT ?^T'^^TRTT(’TR')[|*]
^IdTli (^ ) Tidrll TT ^ [l*] tRI

?^*f4dfd 5,^t>drdfd^ 1 1 dlT.ld-t-MlI TT ) B^PTST^TIRT-

1 The Poona plates have

-The facsimile shows the medial i (long;, clearlv.

3 Read ^I'^'n’Mt ^rp’T^WPIT.

■^^This word is superfluous.

5 Read =?rPT.

*^Read qWRt

7 These and the following e.xpressions should be in the neuter gender and singular number so
to agree with 5T^. See iT^n^m^^in line 16 above.

8 Read J'WT II fpT°l Metre: Anusktubh.

RIDDHAPUK PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

COKPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

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RIDDHAPUR PLATES OF PRABHAVATIGUPTA

Fourth Plate :

31 (wmj f^{m) [i*]^(f^)1%T

32 TiT%d-'Nd^ II

Translation

Victory has been attained by the Bhagavat! From the footprints of tlie Lord of
Ramagiri: —

[There was) the Maharaja, the illustrious Ghatotkacha, the first king of the Guptas.
His son (was) the Maharaja, the illustrious Chandragupta (I). His son, graciously favoured
by him, [was) the Maharaja, the illustrious Samudragupta, [who was) born of the Alahddevi
Kumaradevi (and was) the daughter’s son of the Lichchhavi (Chief). His son, who meditated
on his feet, (was) the Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Chandragupta (II), born of the Mahadevi
Dattadevi, who (was) a fervent devotee of the Bhagavat (Vishnu), who \was] a matchless
warrior on the earth; who exterminated all kings; (and) who donated many thousands of
crores of cows and gold (coins) which he had obtained by lawful means.

(Line 7). His daughter, the illustrious Prabhavatigupta of the Dharana

gotra, born of the queen Kuberanaga, who tvas herself born in a Naga family ; — who is an
ornament of both the [Gupta and Vdkdtaka) families; who [was) the Chief Queen of the
illustrious Rudrasena II, the Maharaja of the Vakatakas; who is the mother of the illustrious
Damodarasena (aliasf Pravarasena (II), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas ; who meditates
on the feet of the Bhagavat (Vishnu) ; (and) who has sons and grandsons who will live for
a full hundred years® — having announced [her) good health, commands the Mahattaras ^elders)
of the village led by the Brahmanas (residing) in the Asvatthanagara in the mdrga (subdivi-
sion) of Kosika as follows —

“ have in this tOAvn donated the field enjoyed [so far) by Bhuktaka together with a
farm-house situated in it [and) four huts of cultivators, to the Brahmanas^. . . .of the Parasara
gotra and the Taittiriya sdkha, whether they have or do not have sons, by pouring out
water and issuing a charter for the increase of Our religious merit and (Our welfare] in this
world and the next.

[For translation of lines 16-26, see above, pp. 14-15.)

(Line 26). ’We issue this order to the present rulers [who are) \'anquished by Our
resolve, attack or valour.

And the I following) verse, sung by \hasa, should be regarded as authorilati\’e on this

point.

(Here occurs an imprecatory verse.)

(Line 29). In the nineteenth year, while the illustrious Pravarasena ;II), the
Maharaja of the Vakatakas, is governing his kingdom, on the twelfth [Umar day) in the
bright fortnight of the month Kartdka [this charter has been written). The Dutaka is
Devanandasvamin. ( This charter) has been written by Prabhusimha.

‘ Read

2 Read .

3Gupte gives this name as in both his articles, but the reading is clearly as above.

■^Read 5nTf%^.

5 See above, p. 35.

^See above, p. 34.

7 The names of the Brahmanas have been omitted inadvertently.

No. 9: Plate IX

INDORE PLATES OF PRAVARASENA H

T hese plates were in the possession of Pandit \’amansastri Islampurkar of Indore. Their
original findspot is not known, but, like some other grants^ in the possession of the
Pandit, they did not originally belong to Indore, but were evidently obtained by him
somewhere else in the course of his search for Sanskrit manuscripts and antiquities. They
were handed o\ er by him to Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, from whom they were obtained by
Jkir. Sushil K. Bose for publication. They have been edited, with facsimiles, by him in the
EpigrupJiia Indica, \'ol. XXIV, pp. 52 f. They are edited here from the same facsimiles.

The copper-plates- are three in number, measuring 7" long by 3|" broad. They are
quite smooth, their edges not having been made thicker or raised into rims. About 2"
from the left margin, each plate has a hole, about 5/16" in diameter for the ring which
must have originally held the plates together; but neither the ring nor the seal which it must
have carried is now forthcoming. The grant must have originally consisted of four plates,
but the first plate is missing. As in the case of the other grants of Pravarasena, the plate
must have been incised on one side only, so that about seven lines of the record are now lost.
The first two of the existing plates are inscribed on both the sides, while the last plate is
inscribed on one side only. The inscription is in a good state of preservation. The
extant portion of it consists of 34 lines, of which six are written on the first side of the first
ii.e. originally the second) plate and seven on each of the other inscribed sides. The weight
of the plates has not been recorded.

The characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets resembling
those of the other grants of Pravarasena II. The only peculiarities that call for notice
are as follows; — The rare medial li occurs in sa-klipt-opaklipfah, line 23; g and s have in some
cases a cur\e turned inward at the end of the left member as in the Riddhapur plates;
see Kausika-sa-golra-, line 15; n has no loop at the bottom in -pautrwah, line 4; n occurs in
two forms, the cursi\ e one as in -Rudrasena-, line 1 and that resembling the Nagari form as in
Rudrasena-, line 6; / is generally unlooped, but in some cases it is confused with n; see
-sanchitnana- for sanchintana in line 28; b appears in two forms as in the Siwani plates. The
language is Sanskrit, and except for an imprecatory verse in lines 31-33, the whole record is
in prose. As regards orthography, we may note (i ) the reduplication of a consonant after r
as in -drjjava-, line 2; (ii) that of the consonant before r as in -sarvv-dddhyaksha-, line 9;
(iii) that of v seemingly after awwirara in para-dattd[7n*'\vvd, line 32; (iv) the use of ri for the
medial ri in -Prithivi-, line 5 and vice versa in -kriydbhi-, line 25.

The inscription is one of the Vakataka Mahdrdja Pravarasena II. His genealogy was
apparently given in the beginning exactly as in the Jamb plates, but its earlier portion
which described Pravarasena I and Bha\ anaga, the chief of the Bharasivas, is now lost.
The name of the place whence the plates were issued is also now lost, but as the grant
is said to ha\ e been made at the victorious place of religious ^vorship {vaijayik'e dharma-sthdm),

1 See, for instance, the grants of Maharaja Svamidiisa and Maharaja Bhulunda, which must have
originally belonged to Khandesh. See my article in A.B.O.R.I., Vol. XXV, pp. i59 f. See also C.I.L
Vol. I\', pp. 5-10. ' ■ *’

^Thc size of the plate and the position of the hole show that the Durg plate (No 17) did not beiom'
to this set. r V y o

INDORE PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

the place of issue may have been the royal capital Pravarapura. The grant has been
very carelessly drafted. The ^vritcr has, again, committed mistakes in omitting some words
and afterwards writing them in wrong places b In one case he has substituted the name of
a Brahmana for that of the village granted^. All this has made the task of interpretation
v^ery difficult. It seems, howe\ er, clear that the object of the present inscription was to record
the grant of a village (the name of which is unfortunately lost owing to the writer’s
carelessness) which lay in the mdrga of Gepuraka, to the north of Aramaka, to the east of
Kobi^rikS) to the south of Kosambaka and to the west of Anjanavataka. In line 1 1
Pravarasena II says that he made the grant for augmenting his religious merit, life, power
and royal fortune as well as for his well-being in this world and the next. Line 20 read
with line 13, however, states that a half of the vd’taka (village) was purchased and donated
to the Brahmanas by the merchant Chandra near the foot-prints {pdda-mula) of the Bhagavat,
who was probably the same as the Lord of Ramagiri mentioned in the Riddhapur plates.
In line 17 Pravarasena II says that he has recorded the gift in a charter as it has been
previously made^ and still he says further that the village has been granted to the Brahmanas
as a fresh gift with the pouring out of water‘d. The only way in which we can reconcile these
conflicting statements is to suppose that the merchant Chandra purchased a half of the
particular village and donated it to certain Brahmanas and requested the king to confirm
the gift and to issue a charter in that behalf. The king seems to have given the other half
of the village for his own religious merit etc. The donees were the Brahmana Gondarya,
the son of Visakharya, who was residing at Aramaka, and liis six sons^ Manoratharya,
Govarya, Devarya, Bapparya, Kumararya and Dronarya. They belonged to the Vaji-
Kausika gotra. The grant is dated on the fifth tithi of the dark fortnight of Vaisakha
in the twenty-third year evidently of the reign of Pravarasena II. The order was com-
municated by the king personally. The grant was written by the Rajuka Kottadeva

The mention of the officer Rajuka as the writer of the grant is interesting. The
officer Rdjuka, as he is named elsewhere, is first noticed in the inscriptions of Asoka. He
was a high officer placed in charge of many hundred thousands of men and could at
his discretion inflict punishment or confer a reward. The term is derived from rajju meaning
a rope and originally signified a settlement officer who measured lands for the assessment
of land-tax. The Rajjuka is also mentioned in an inscription of Chutukulananda Satakarni*^.
He is rarely noticed thereafter. His mention in the present grant shows that the term

•The words mula datam-iti at the end of line 13, which the Editor of the Ep. Ind. considered un-
intelligible, are connected in sense with Bhagavat~pdda~ at the end of line 20. They should have been
written at the bottom of the first side of the third plate. The writer committed a mistake in writing
them at the bottom of the second side of the second plate. It will thus be seen that the merchant
Chandra did not purchase half of any field from the Brahmanas as supposed by Bose, but donated
a half of the village to them near the footprints of the Bhagavat. From the boundaries given in the
record it appears clear that the whole village, not a field in it, was granted by the king.

2 The writer mentions Visakharyavataka as a village in line 14. Visakhaiy'a was, however, the
name of a Brahmana who was the father of Gondarya, one of the donees of this grant. While copying
the record from the bhurjapatra, the wrtiter’s eye seems to have skipped over the proper name of the
village, in place of which he wrote Visakharya occurring in the next line. Strange as it may seem, the
mistake remained uncorrected.

^Notice pu\T*'\vva-dattd iti kritva. .asmdbhiyi'^^ sdsana-nibandhah kritah in lines 17-18.

'•^Notice a-purvv-dattd{ttyd) udaka-purvvam-atistrishtah in line 18.

^Though the expression Gdrtddrya-putra is gramatically connected with only Mandrathdrydya, it is
probably intended to be connected with the following names also.

6£>. Cam., Vol. VII, p. 251.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

remained in use till the beginning of the fifth century A.C. at least.

As no definite information is awiilable about the original findspot of the pi'esent plates,
it is not easy to locate the places mentioned in them; and none have been identified so
far. After a good deal of search for them, I have been able to find some of them in the
respective directions in the Balaghat District of Madhya Pradesh. Kosamba which lay to
the north of the donated village is probabh identical with Kosambakhanda which
Pravarasena II granted by his Tirodi plates. As shown elsewhere, the latter is identical with
Kosamba, 6 miles to the south of Tirodi. Anjanavataka which defined the eastern boundary
of the donated village is probably Afijanwadi, about 5 miles to the south-east of Kosamba.
Kobidarika which lay to the west of the donated village may be Kunargaon, 4 miles south
by west of Kosamba. These three villages thus lie in the same directions as those stated in
the present grant. Gepuraka and Aramaka cannot, however, be found in the neighbour-
hood of these \ illages. If these identifications are correct, the grant may have originally
belonged to the Balaghat District.

Text*

Stco/id Plate: First side

18
19

* From facsimiles facing p. 55 in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI\\

2 Read as in other Vakataka grants.

®The superscript letter is imperfectly incised. Read

4 Read

5 Read

®The words ddl are to be connected with -in line 20, below.

(tt) Nh^Td’^^+M I «![:*]

4 d I 4 1 tMY'O B 44 44 dl+fd+HI (^) B^iWTh’ST'dd-

Second Plate: Second Side

FT TTr[: *] tl y I ^ I rTTFTfq' ( ^ dT4 f ( Tt ) THldfddCdlTrMdPT-
FT <1 d^TlrTF^HF^ 31^-

c-d P-d 'h I ■FB'«4?4-M 4 4d I : sndTBT

^fqd'^°4B4l^5nTT ^T'TfTd54l[:*] fdfddBF ^ T
W(t) f T FBlfTFkHdl ^T(T)R(^)^(5t)F7(t) ^c( - 4f44/^T ^ ^ ^ T B^r^d T cT
TFRFTTT spTTBTiFT TrTFTRT ■'htfddlRdilill (tT: )

T1TT ^ 4d l fH% 1*^

Third Plate: First Side

T^^FTTiFT ( TT ) J^iFT 3PTFFr(9T)^

FT(4ld'h ) 3l{3rr) FlH'h4iFd®44lf3l4ilRl'hd9ldr4i^lRTl'*-4^d'>ri'*4i-
2*TTT TlTIRTfT

4dtFB (FTT)fT [:*] ^imdldd’-TxfT: (tTT) [l*]

^5fwr(Tt)WFT (TPT) (of )g F| T B*f^4fd|4-t{r<^| ^

INDORE PLATES OF PEAVARASENA II

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE IX

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INDORE PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

20 TTR: [\*]m TRT(2:)^(^) -

Third Plate: Second Side

21 3DR^^^3rT#^[;*] 3PI KM «fl ( ^ i [;*]

22 <,^’■'{1^; 3mT(Tr)-M^-qMl (^)'^nR[:*]

23 Tm r^^M R^l <M r<r^ { f ) T: ?r%fM-: m Mfdfi l:^ ST^^cdtMWT:

24 5Mm1mMM 141 ■^3:^RTT(dt) T [^*]

25 IM I a ( d: ) ttl =4 1> { ) qTftr[: *] ^(^)T%d5ir"'Tf4M;^fi|d=Miid [l*]?mT-

26 (^)<H+1MI (T:) ^M^MimTh

27 dFT [l*] ) fd-

Fourth Plate

28 31^dTdM^'<NdTll (tI (?T)HM f<Ml^d (^T) ( # ) -

29 #PTfTflTT?#(rsf) T s6tTTMTH:[l *] ^^T^TTf^^ft^M <1 M)M ( MT ) MW ( fel ) ( # ) -

30 ^RrT(RRT)Tr^lMMIM: [l*] U^^rV* \^TH Pm [^] ( ^ ) mI <4 1 Ml fed T-

31 'TqTiT:®[l*] I 4=ldil(^)

32 TOTikMI*” Tt ^^^^(TPfT l) TrTr(Mt) ^-

33 II)

34 31 Id I (^T l) [l*]

Translation

{The first plate of this grant is not forthcoming.)

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (II), the Maharaja of the V3.katokas born
of Prabhavatlgupta, the daughter of the Mahdrdjddhiraja, the illustrious Devagupta,-\v'ho
is the son of the illustrious Rudrasena (II), the Mahdrdja of the Vakatakas —

(For translation of lines 1 to 6, see above, pp. 13-14.)

(Line 8). In the territorial division {rndrgaf- of Gepuraka Our officials of noble
birth, who are employed by the order of the Sarvddhyaksha (General Superintendent) and
who exercise their authority by {Our) command and (Om/) soldiers and policemen should
be directed b\' the (following) command which is already well known to them;-

“ Be it known to you that here in Our victorious place of religious worship in order
to increase Our religious merit, life, power {and) prosperity (and) for {Our) well-being in tlris
world and the next, We have recorded in a charter this gift as it was previously made — -viz-
{the gift of) the village’^. . . .situated to the north of Aramaka, to the east of Kovidarika,

^The following words occur in a corrupt form in line 13, above.

2 Read gfftffr:

3 This word is superfluous.

■l^Read 'Tft^qt

5 Read

®The anusvdra of is placed on
2 Other Vakataka grants generally read ’drwri^T^.r.Tf.

8 Read ff^PTTfwr»r-.

10 Read TOrTf

1 1 Metre : Anusktubh.

Mdrga seems to denote a territorial division; for no place is mentioned here as situated on the
road to G^uraka.

'8 The name of the village has been omitted through inadvertence. The name of Visakharya, the
father of Gondarya, one of the donees, has been prefixed to vataka by mistake.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

to the south of Kosambaka, {and) to the w est of Anjanavatoka) {made) to GBndarya,
son of Visakhary'a of the Vaji-Kausika gotra, who resides at Aramaka {and to) Manortharya,
son of Gondarya, (and) Govarya, Devarya, Bapparya, Kumararya (and) Dronarya, and We
have given it as a gift not previously made with the pouring out of water. Half of this
village was donated to the Brahmanas by the Merchant Chandra near the foot-prints of
the Bhagavat, after having purchased it (from Us)h

And ^Ve grant here the {following) exemptions incident to a village donated to a
Brahmana, proficient in the four Vedas : —

{For translation of lines 21-28, see above, p. 14.)

(Line 29). We command the present rulers who have been vanquished by Our
resolve, attack and valour and We request the future lords out of reverence for them.

The ( following) verse sung by Vyasa should be regarded as authoritative on this point*

{Here occurs an imprecatory verse.)

(Line 33). {This charter) has jbeen written on the fifth (lunar day) in the dark
(^fortnight) of Vaisakha in the twenty-third (regnal) year. The order (was communicated)
by {the king) himself 2. (The charter has been) written by the Rajuka Kottodeva.

1 In the original this statement occurs partly in line 20 and partly in line 13. In both the cases
it has been misplaced. See above, p. 39, n. 1..

2 As the order was communicated by the king himself, no Dutaka has been named in this charter.

No. 10: Plate X

DUDIA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA H

T hese plates were in the possession of some Gonds at Dudia in the Aser pargand of
the Chhindwara District of Madhya Pradesh. They have been edited before, with
facsimiles, by Dr. Kielhorn in the Epigraphia Indica^ Vol III, pp. 258. They are edited
here from the same facsimiles.

^^The copper-plates are four in number, each of which measures 7^' long by 3f ' broad.
The second and third plates are inscribed on both sides, the first plate is so on one side,
and the fourth is blank and merely serves to protect the writing on the second side of the
third plate. The plates are quite smooth, their edges having been neither fashioned thicker
nor raised into rims; but the writing, nevertheless, is in an excellent state of preservation.
About 1 distant from the middle of the proper right margin, each plate has a hole, about
in diameter, for a ring on which the plates ere strung. The ring is between ^ and |
thick, and in diameter. The two ends of the piece of copper of which it is formed are
flattened off, and contain holes for a rivet, which has been lost. On the ring slides a copper
band, f " broad, M hich is bent into a ring of by 1-| " in diameter, and the two ends of which
are soldered together. Through the soldered part a hole is drilled, which corresponds to
a hole in the centre of a circular seal; and a rivet, which also is lost now, must have held the
copper band and the seal together. Owing to the loss of the two rivets, the ring, the
copper band and the seal are now quite loose. The seal is 3j^^" diameter, and has across
its surface a legend in four lines. The weight of the four plates is 3 J lbs. ; that of the ring,
the copper band and the seal is f lb.; total, 3f Ibs.^”

The characters belong to the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets and resemble
those of the preceding Indore plates. Like the latter, they show two forms of n and b : the
curve of I encircles the letter on the left as in -laldmasya in line 1 of the seal; the sign of the
jihvdmiiltya occurs in line 22 and that of the upadhmdmya in line 3 of the seal and line 16 of the
plates. Inter-punctuation is shown by one or more horizontal or vertical strokes. The
huig^uagc is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the legend on the seal and one imprecatory
verse in line 27-28, the whole record is in prose. As regards orthography, we find that a
consonant has been reduplicated before and after r as in par dkkram- ^ lines 4-o and -Aptoiyydm-y
line 1; before as in Bhdgiratthy-amala^, line 5; and after anusvdra in sadivvatsafe^ line 28.

The inscription, which opens with drishtam^ is one of the Vahataka Alahdidja
Pravarasena II. His genealogy is given here exactly as in the Jamb plates, his maternal
grandfather being called Devagupta* The object of it is to record the grant, by Pravara-
sena, of 25 {nivartanas) of land at Darbhamalaka in the Chandrapur a sangamiha, to
one Yaksharya of the Kausika gotra, and of sixty [nivartanas) of land^ at the village of Kar-
makara in the Hiranyapura bhoga to one Kalisarman of the Kaundinya gdtra. The
order is addressed to the royal officers, soldiers and policemen in the Arammi-rajya in
which evidently both the aforementioned villages were situated. The charter w'as wTitten
by Goladasa while Namidasa was the Shidpati, It was issued from Pravarapura.

^Ep. Ind,, Vol. Ill, pp. 258-59.

2The figures of land [bhiimi) given here, like those in the Chammak plates, probably refer to the
nivartanas. See line 22 of the Pattan plates (No. 13, below) which mention 400 nivartanas of land accord-
ins: to the roval measure.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

The record is dated, in line 28, on the tenth day of the fourth fortnight of the ramy
season in the twenty-third year evidently of Pravarasena IPs reign. It does not admit of
verification, but probably corresponds to the tenth tithi of the bright half of the month Bhadra-
pada. The date is noteworthy as it is one of the two season dates known so far from Vakataka
inscriptions. In all other inscriptions dates are recorded in lunar months and tithis.

The localities mentioned in the present grant have not yet been satisfactorily identified.
Dr. Kielhorn suggested the identification of Chandrapura with Chandpur, which lies to the
south of Siwani and to the svest of the \Vengahga riveri’, but he could not locate the other
places mentioned in the grant. Dr. Hiralal proposed to identify Arammi with Arvi, the chief
town of the Ar\ i tahsil of the ^Vardha District, and Chandrapura ^v•ith Chandur where there
is a confluence of the two rivers Chandrabhaga and Sarasvati. F urther, he suggested that
Hiranyapura might be Sonegaon near Chandur and Karmakara, Kalamgaon close to the
same town-. These identifications also are not quite satisfactory. A clue to location of the
places is possibly afforded by the mention ol Hiraiiyapura. This town may have been
situated on the river Hiranya which is mentioned in the W adgaon plates of Pravarasena II.
As shown elsewhere, this Hiranya is identical with the modern river EraP. Chandrapura
may be the modern Chanda, the chief town of the Chanda District. This old name of the
town is still current. Near Chanda there is the confluence of the two ri\"ers, Erai and
Jharpat. In fact the town of Chanda is situated in the angle formed by these two rivers,
so that its situation answers to the description of Chandrapura in the present grant viz.
that it w as a sangamika or ‘a tract of land near the confluence of two rivers’ ; but the mention
of Arammi-rajya in the recently discovered Pandhurna plates^ also has raised doubts
about these identifications. Since both the grants w^hich mention Arammi-rajya come from
the Chhindwara District, we must evidently look for the places situated in them in that
verv district. As shown elsewhere, some of the localities referred to in the Pandhurna
plates can be identified in the neighbourhood of Pandhurna, which indicates that Arammi,
the headquarters of that division, may be modern Amla, about 40 miles north by west
of Pandhurna. None of the places mentioned in the present grant can, however, be traced
in that region, unless Hiranyapura is Harankhedi, about 6 miles north of Multai.

Text^

First Plate:

1 [l 3TfTRT:^R ( RT ) '^fRR?RT^^dTrdi?i|fd <14 ^4 1

3 RRt: H 'd <4 WRRR-

4 ifeid <Hdiil MIH

5 RrrRRcrRTfR ( ^ d I q RTRRR ( R ) d M I t-RT-

6 M Htl ^K.Nf«r ( «ft ) kM RMR(Rt)5^ RT^-

7 + M ( ^ ) Tr3rMTt>siR dfR RPRJrTRTfRRTTR

i£>. Incl., Vol. Ill, p. 260.

^I.C.P.B., p. 93.

^Below, p. 54.

^No. 14, lines 26 and 29.

^From the fasimiles facing pages 260 and 261 in Ep. Ind,^ Vol. III.

^Here and in many places below, the rules of sandhi have not been observed.

^Originally changed to

DUDIA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

Second Plate: First Side

RcT ( ) M 1 4 ^ I d f^i [H ^

H I 'iTd'E^ “rfRJTq^'ir:

Tld+M ( m ) ^ ^4ddW^9Pl[: *] TTI?>TTi^^-

Wr^ I d+ M 1 4-^ ^KM r^ ( fTl: +l^KKlfq'<M^dW-
T^Flfd4'-dliimcM^4A| 4 1+ 1 d4TM 1^^ ^ ( ^ ) TTsr^fTil^d^d'frT
^(^)=^?nrT STRfFH <f^ii 31 4^ C'H -d 't> I 'K1 ^^T^TfTTT^T; 31WTd^=^lfT-

Second Plate: Second Side

14 5T(^T)fTfrdT; s^gotrrqRrFT^ ^fPiiwsTr; [l*]

^(^:) 5T#pRTf^-

15 TRTRt d 4 f^d'l ilIcRl'd il^PT 'TWIT^TTT

16 ^[^]®xH^Mfdi!lT^ T^TF^TRT

17 ^4+KilHI ^[:*] Tfe:[;*] ^^tfewfNFT 3T^4d[^T(RlT)

^^=p^c4-

18 Rf^iw;^[l*] ^l^n^Rcft =^ig54^TWTT(2Tt)^"'Tf^^nT-

r4f^'dd

19 STJTd^^TSrrt^'^ 31HKH 3T5cq%(^)7:-

Third Plate: First Side

20 I si<>5c)u|f4«^'t4 -d cd ( ^ ) f^dd ^5,^1 <M <t-

21 I I 3irsF?ifeRn^4

1 Kielhorn’s suggestion that the correct reading is 'TTd'Fra'- does not appear to be correct.

2 Read fd^fT^zTTWtrr.

3 Read -«t45d^T-.

4 Read

5 Read

®This akshara is superfluous.

2 Read dd: Ts^f^^rfbr:.

8 Read ^Tf^^^n^d'JT.

9 Read -irfdd'^^r.

10 Read dfWT dRqT;.

11 Read either JTTdWkt or tnwfT^TTTd See No. 2, line 16 and No. 3, line 25.

12 The visarga after d is cancelled.

13 This akshara is superfluous.

11' Read sr^X^rf^L This is supposed to qualify some word like 'JTfjppf^.

13 Read

16 Read

17 Read ’TfdTt'

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

RT#:(^T:) ^^^(qT)Rft‘ TfWTt' ^

^T^^rTFTs^Hrrr-

mRw^(r)

f H'qf^^lTR'RW ^#RTR: [l*

Third Plate: Second Side

T^RcTc^rr^ V h f=i ft <'c<t ( ^ ) :p;f«FTrf^R?T i h IR; [i*]

fsR: I ^R^rTFTO[^] 3RT RT ^ ^'dnTT(R) [l*] RRr(Rt) ^RRT^-

28 T% If^fcTR' [n*] R5R?RT RRtfRc^rfRR’^ RR?W RRR RRlRcft I®

29 RfRRT# 1*^ ^^RTRR II

Seal

1 =||4;|d+'^^TRFl' f

2 ^RJRRFRRRteR^ [l*]

3 y=i<RHW 1^^

4 ^TRR fr^^miRR^ [ll*]

Translation

Seen. From Pravarapura —

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (11), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas,
bom of Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of the Mahdrdj ddhiraja, the illustrious Devagupta,
who is the son of the illustrious Rudrasena (II), the Mahdrdja of the VaUcatakas—

[For translation of lines 1-10, see above, pp. 13-14.)

(Line 13). Our officers of noble birth, who are employed by the order of the
Sarvadhyaksha (General Superintendent) [and) who exercise their authority by [Our) command
and [Our) soldiers and policemen in the Arammi-rajya should be directed by the following
command which is well known [to them ) : —

“Be It known to you that in order to increase Our religious merit, life, power and
prosperity and to obtain blessings for ourself, ^Ve have donated here at Our place of reli-
gious worship Avith the pouring out of water twenty-five nivartanas of land in [the village of)

iRead

2 This anusvdra is wrongly placed over the following akshara.

3 Read

4 Read -TnRettrf^^R-.

5 Read

®This sign of punctuation is superfluous.

2 Metre: Anushtubh.

8 Read

9 Read stRPrqf^PT:.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. vr

PLATE X

DUPIA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

® ® ^ ^ J p ni f a-iq: :.<id
£n3'F^0ag'Si3.3jj^^." f 33 ;a|§/

p p je, ^ 3 « aia aj s a^ 5 j|ia 5 ||a

ii,a

D C. Sircar

Reg No, 3977 E’36-floa’6Z

Scale; Three-fourths

Printed at the Survey of India Offices, 'P. L. O.i

Seal

N-

DUDIA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

> Darbhamalaka in the Sangamika of Ghandrapura to Yaksharya of the Kausika gbtra,

"i and sixty nivartanas of land in the village of Karmakara situated in the bhoga of Hiranyapura

to Kalisarman of the Kaundinya gbtra, as gifts not previously made.

=> {For translation of lines 18-25, see above, p. 14.)

(Line 25). We issue this order to the present rulers (who have been) vanquished by
Our resolve, attack or valour. [And) We make this request to future [rulers) out of reverence
for them.

(Line 26). And the following verse sung by Vyasa should be regarded as authoritative
on this point.

[Here occurs an imprecatory verse.)

(Line 28). [This charter) has been written by Goladasa* while Namidasa is the
Senapati, on the tentk day in the fourth fortnight of the twenty-third [regnal) year.

Seal

[For translation of the legend on the seal, see above, p. 27.)

No. 1 1 : Plate XI

TIROpi PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

T hese phizes were found at the manganese mine of Tirodi, 8 miles south-east of Katangi,
in the District of Madhya Pradesh. The\' were made over to me for publication

by Mr. "1". A. \\ ellsted, Manager of the Manganese Mines, Mansar. I edited them with
facsimiles and English translation in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXI, pp. 167 f. They
are edited hef^ fiom the same facsimiles. The plates are now deposited in the Central
Museum, Na^P^^'

The four in number, each measuring 1-1" x 3'8". The first and fourth

plates are inst'^*^^^ cinly, and the other two on both the sides. Their ends are

neither fashioi^^*^ thicker, nor raised into rims; still the inscription is in a perfect state of
preser\ation. About 2'1 from the proper right margin, the plates have a roundish hole,
•4" in diameter ^ circular ring to connect them. The ends of this ling, which is S'S"
in diameter, v^'cre flattened off so as to overlap and were joined with a pin. They were so
secured when plates were sent to the Nagpur Museum. On this ring slides a small
circular band about -7 broad and 3 ‘8" in circumference, to which is secured with a rivet
a flat circular copper seal, 2-7' in diameter. The weight of the plates is 126 tolas, and that
of the ring, tU^ band and the seal is 184 tolas. Each inscribed side of the first two plates
contains six lilacs, that of the third, five lines, and that of the fourth, only four lines.

The of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets. They resemble

those of the grants of Pra\ arasena II. The only peculiarities that call for notice are

as follows; — The length of the medial i is shown either by a ringlet in the curve representing
short i as in line 29, or by another cur\ e turned in the opposite direction as in

trayovlse, line medial d also is shown in two ^\'ays; (i) with a mdtrd on each side of

a consonant Shodashy-, line I and (ii) with a curve on the right side onlv as in bhunjafb,

line 23. The medial au is everywhere bipartite. D and d are not clearly distinguished,’
cf Slwdashy-, samuditasya, line 8. B appears in two forms as in other Vakataka

inscriptions. subscript form it appears like v in one place; see dyur-bbala, line 15 and

-udvaliana-, linC visarga signifies a double mark of punctuation in lines 13, 24, 26 etc.

The completit^^ lecord is shown by a long horizontal line.

The lai>g«aSe is Sanskrit. Except for the legend on the seal and the usual imprecatory
\ erse towards close, the whole record is in prose. The orthography shows the usual
reduplication ^ consonant after r and anusvdra, and of that before r. The use of ri for the
vowel ri and of f°^ the vowel li may also be noted; see drislitam, line 1 and sa-klipt-opakliptah,
lines 22-23. On the other hand, ri occurs for ri in sarvva-kriyabhi-, line 24. The final conso-
nant is di'oppcci in some places; see -stlidnd, line 1 and -dvadasyd, line 31.

The plates '' ere issued from Narattahgavari b>- the Vakataka Malidrdja Pravarasena
n. His genci'|e§7 gi'’en as in his other grants. The inscription opens \vith drishtam, ‘ seen
The object ot record the grant of the village Kosambakhan^ to a Brahmana named
Varunarya ('Ohc Harkari and the Atharvaveda, who was a resident of Chandrapura
and was proficient in three \ edas. The donated village was bounded on the east by Jamali, on
the south bv Vardhamanaka, on the west by Mrigasima and on the north b\' Mallakape-
dhaka. As the order is addressed to the officers and soldiers in the western division (apara-pa^)

TIROpi PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

of BenniScata, it is evident that the donated village was situated in it. The grant was
written by the Chief Minister [Rdjy-ddhikrita) Ghamidasa^ by the King’s own order.

The grant is dated, in words, on the twelfth day of the dark fortnight ofMagha
in the twenty-third year, evidently of Pravarasena IPs reign. Unlike most other grants of
Pravarasena II, the present grant was not made at the royal capltaP, but at a place called
NarattangavSri which may have been a lirtha. The month of Magha is specially praised
in the Puranas as very sacred, and various legends are narrated in them to evince the great
merit of bathing at a holy place during that month^. The eleventh tithi of the dark fortnight of
the purnimdnta Magha, which is called Shattila Ekadasi and is observed as a fast-day, is highlv
glorified in the PadmapurdnaP. Pravarasena may therefore have gone to the Narattangavari
tlrtha to bathe there on the Shattila Ekadasi day and may have made the present grant on the
following da)' before breaking his fast. The grant was made by him for his religious merit,
life, strength and prosperity, for securing his well-being in this world and the next, as well
as for augmenting the religious merit of his mother. As he mentions only his mother and
not his father also, who -was long since dead, it is likely that she ^vas living at the time of the
present grant and ma)' have accompanied him to the holy place. Only four years before,
she had made her own grant recorded in the Riddhapur plates.

As for the geographical names occurring in the present plates, Narattangavari was
probably a tlrtha as suggested above. This is probably a joint name like Nagapura-Nandi\ ar-
dhana, and means Vari near Narattahga^. In that case it can be identified with ’^V’ari, also
called Bhaira\'agadh, now a deserted village on the river Ban or AVan in the extreme north-w est
of the Akot tahsll in the Akola District®. It is only 18 miles to the west of the old fort of
Narnala, which probably represents ancient Narattanga, and is still regarded as a holy place.
Kosambakhanda, the donated village, is evidently Kosamba, about 6 miles to the north-east
of Tirodi, where the plates were found. Bennakata ivas e\ idently a district^ comprising the
territory round the modern village Beni, 35 miles to the east of Kosamba in the Gondia.
tahsil of the Bhandara District, which may have been its headquarters. The district seems to
ha\'e been divided into two parts by the river Benna, modern ^Vainganga®. Kosamba, which
now^ represents ancient Kosambakhanda, is only 20 miles from the AVainganga, and ivas
evidently included in the \vestern division [apara-patta) of Bennakata. Of the \ illagcs that
formed its boundaries, only one can noiv be traced. Jamali which bounded it on the cast
is probably modern Jamuntola, 3 miles to the east of Kosamba. Chandrapura, where the

^Dr. N. P. Chakravarti suggests that the name may be read as Navamidasa.

2 It is noteworthy that the expression vaijayikl dharmasthdn'e , which, occurs in the grants made at the
royal capital, does not occur in this charter.

3Cf. I rTrW?d'nT ll Padmapuram, Uttarakhanda,

adhydya 124, v. 164.

'^Ibid., Uttarakdnda, adhyaya 43, vv. 5 f.

5 As there are no\v and w'ere probably in ancient \4darbha several villages named Vari or \h"irkhcd,
Narattanga seems to have been fixed to the place-name to define the position of the place intended.

®At this place there are ruins of a fort called Bhairavgadh, with an image of Kala-Bhairava. The
place may have attained importance in the time of Pravarasena IPs ancestor Rudrasena I, -who was a
fervent devotee of Kala-Bhairava.

^Bhojakata is anothername ending in kata. The Mahdbhdrata, Sabhaparvan, adhyaya 3 l,vv. 10-12,
states that Sahadeva vanquished the lords of Bhojakata and \’enatata. The name of the latter occurs
as Venakata in many Grantha MSS. of the epic.

®Bennakarpara-bh5ga mentioned in the Siwani plates is another territorial division named
after the river Benna. As shown elsewhere, the villages mentioned as situated therein can be identified
in the Amgaon Zamindari, east of the Wainganga.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

donee was living, is probably identical \vith Chandpur. It lies only twelve miles to the
south-east of Kosamba and contains an old fort. The other villages cannot be identified.

Text*

8
9

First Plate

[l*]

=l 1 i *-l ^Kl 4«iT-

I A SRI^Ktirvtqf^T-

d r^ l 4 n?l 4^M dl l Rd <N4 M t

5^rFT

Second Plate: First Side

3Tc5!pTnTTt^T^ ^TcTT[^]?^r^(*”r)^V4Pt^-*id^rqnM*ii^K»d f^(^ ) (^)

fid>lfdi4d®^^Mrddft(<:dTd'td»^(^)e^lf«id4 [:*] ^*l,rqd^T ^s^ia^iP+iq^BT-

d4>~t^l^g ^ ^dd’-dM^dMyd ’ J| : ^f4rt>i<dTi<5df'fld+Mt(Tr)’^-

^ fi =1 d iid ’hH I 'ji d I I -« *1 q
d I d> I d4> M 1 1-0 d 4’q‘ <Klf?ITR5Nl4qqKl-

d^T ?t(qT)^3r »l l dfddkimiBdl?14d ' 1^ dl+ld+IHIB^-

Second Plate: Second Side

TF5rfM'(Mt)Md<ddt*f q'qdl[^*] l 3H<9dd 11^

^ ^ ^ .n r- p

Pddd ^ 31 1 ?1 l ^'d I ifi n^: odPMd'^edBdldld'P^^iiHrqacdl: [l*]

Pdftd ' tTf^ d’: ^Pd^KBlP^ilcRTt d t-Bid «d^ 4 i^d ^4 Pd d 4'4 ‘ ^

^ [5]'*dtHd^k«f 3^7711^ didMdi^ ^Ti<.SRq

^odMI^d Ht'^d)9d+^ df^'^ni^d dTdT dHl:

(=di^) '^<d4d«d'3mBdf’d‘^p^*^dd'tdd^'J| l^fdT Pqqdid

Third Plate: First Side

3(^od<c dT^^ ddd» ’ ^°dMPdf ^: [l*] ^Pddt^Mlf? ^d<ldMBdl-dl (crt^)^4'd|iim
aqldNPi^KlP-ddXR : 31di<dlPd; (dt) 3rdT^"(=5^)'d'MI'd^d: 3PIRT?7ft

*From the facsimiles facing pages 172 and 173 in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXII.

2 Here and in many places below, the rules of sandhi have not been observed.

3 The box at the top of ^ is not complete.

4This sign of punctuation is superfluous.

5The adjective which occurs in other cognate plates is omitted here.

SRead -7TWnT^^-.

7Read 7 p T ?ly ’>nFt f .

SThis sign of punctuation is superfluous.

9Read 'ST^n^rTRT’.

*0Read
*iRead

*2Read -«

i3The gfitra is named in the Gotrapravaranibandhakadamba.

*^This word is superfluous.

*5Read at^grTT.

16Read -f

TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI.

Plate XI.

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S=SSE<i ^

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Reg No. 3977 E'36-I,I03'63
D C. S«rcar

Scale: One-half

Printed at the Survey of India Offices iP L. O.i

TIROpf PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

21 3T^^(w)f^^^(^)#-

22 r^M : ?rf¥^T: ^'t#Tf4[: ^ ( ^ ) '^'t-

23 STT^Tf^cWmVq'; 5^>TRTrift T

7^/;'(/ Plate: Second Side

24 II (^)^-

25 RFTFRFTTRfT TfT^IWf i'q?c4?l TT ^ WT^P^fefFI ^3^ ^-

26 i f^^ll Tqffe(f'T)wr 3T^dl^+<N<'Tir

27 'TT^(t) H+tfT ^NrFTTf^(^)TqTT-

28 •il^Rt'Tf^I'^ (^) tTTI (tit) ?ir^"|-51 mR: U cJTT^f^TH U <'^ I -

Fourth Plate

29 =”R(:p;)f^wNWTWR; [l*] l l M H I 'Jrr+'^«^ : [l*]

30 <Ti ' h ?T(Tlt^) [l*] I 1^1*^ I

31 1® ?T^^[5r*] i mw^

32 ^[^^][|*]TIwrfe^(^) r^fl'ldfofd' 1

Seal

2 ^(^)M!Il'^'^ft;(T)’TfWT(T:) [l*]

3 Tm[.*] 5fWJTFr 1*^

Translation

Seen. From the place Narattangavari — . ^

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (II), the Maharaja of the V^katakas, who
was born of Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of the Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Devagup-
ta, (and) who is the son of the illustrious Rudrasena (II), the Maharaja, of the Vakatakas —

[For translation of lines 1 to 10, see above, pp. 13-14.)

Our officials of noble birth, who are employed by the order of the Sarvadhyaksha
(General Superintendent) and who exercise their authority by [Our] command, [Our)
soldiers and policemen in the western division [aparapatta) of [the district) Bennakata should
be directed by the following command which is already well known [to them ) : —

“ Be it known to you that in order to increase Our religious merit, life, power and
prosperity and to secure [Our) well-being in this world and the next, the village named
KRg awib^lrliaTida j \\hich Ucs to the west of Jamall, to the north of Vardhamanaka, to the
east of Mrigasima, and to the west of Mallakapedhaka, is bestowed here with the pouring

iRead

2 Read qfismt

3 Read

“^Read grar^r^-.

5Read trWT The following mark of punctuation is superfluous.

6 Read Metre: Anusktubh.

7 Read

^This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

9 Metre: Anushtubh. h , ,

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

out of water as a grant not previously made, upon Vartmarya of the Atharvaveda and
the Harkari gotra, who has (mastered) the three Vedas and is a resident of Ghandrapura.

(For translation of lines 19/o 26, see above, pp. \A-\5andfor that of lines 26 to 29, see above, p. 32.)

(Line 29). And the following verse sung by Vyasa should be regarded as an authority
on this point: —

[Here occurs an imprecatory verse.)

[This order was communicated) by the king himself on the twelfth {lunar day) of the
dark fortnight of {the month) Magha in the twenty-third {regnal) year. {It has been)
written by the Rdjyddhikrita GhamidSsa.

Seal

{For translation of the legend on the seal, see above, p. 27.)

No. 12: Plate XII

WADGAON PLATES OF PRAVARASENA H

T hese plates were handed over to Dr. S. S. Patwardhan, Curator of the Central
Museum, Xagpur, by one Bhagwan Shiva Ganar of Yenur, a village in the Hihganghat
tahsil of the ^Vardha District, in Vidarbha. They were in the possession of his grandfather
at Wadgaon in the AVarora tahsil of the Chanda District. They were published by me with
facsimiles in the Epigraphia Indica, \"ol. XXVII, pp. 74 f. They are edited here from the
same facsimiles. The plates are now deposited in the Prince of ^Vales Museum, Bombay.

The copper-plates are four in number, of which the first and the last are inscribed on
the inner side onlv, and the other two on both the sides. Thev measure 6'5'' loner and 3'5"
broad, and weigh 97 tolas. They were held together by a ring, about 3 tolas in weight, passing
through a roundish hole, T3" from the middle of the left side of each plate. It must have
originally carried the usual \"akataka seal sliding on it, but it is not forthcoming now. There
are forty-two lines of writing in all, tvhich are evenly distributed on the six inscribed faces
of the four plates. The writing is in a good state of preservation throughout. In a few
cases the engraver has corrected his mistakes of omission and commission; sec amsa-bhdra-,
line 4, saty-drjjava, line 9 etc. ; but there are many more which are left uncorrected. In the
right-hand lower corner of the first side of the second plate, he has incised the syllables
AIdrade{da}se, 'which were inadvertently omitted in line 42h In line 21 several letters were
beaten in and in their place the expression vishuva-vdehanaka- Avas incised. This correction
or tampering, whatever it might be, was apparently done in the \’aka^ka age; for tlte
substituted aksharas are of the same type as the rest of the record.

The characters are of the box-headed \ ariety of the southern alphabet resembling those
of the other inscriptions of Pravarasena II. The notetvorthy peculiarities are the cursive
form of the medial u in sunoh, line 4; the bipartite an in dauhitrasya, line 7 ; the medial ri, which
is formed not by the usual curling curve, but by the addition of a curve turned downwards
on the left of k in -adhikritd, line 23; and the rare medial li in klipt-lopakliptah, line 31. The
numerical symbols for 400 occur in line 20, and those for 2 and 3 on the second side of the
second and the third plate respectively. The language is Sanskrit, and, except for two bene-
diclh e and imprecatory verses, the whole record is in prose. The orthography shows the
usual reduplication of a consonant after r and before jv ; see drjjava-, line 9 and Bkdgirattliy-A'mc 6.

The inscription is one of the Vakataha Mahdrdja Pravarasena II. It opens ^vith
drishtam. The genealogy of the king is given here exactly as in his other plates, his maternal
grandfather being called Devagupta. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of
400 Jiivartanas of land by the royal measure, which Pravarasena II made to a Brahmana
named Rudrarya, who was versed in two Vedas and belonged to the Vaji-Eohitya gbtra-.
He was a resident of the village Ekaxjunaka. The land donated to him was in the village
Velusuka which was situated in the Supratishtha dhdra or subdivision. The village lay
to the east of Gridhragrama, to the south of Kadambasaraka, to the west of Nillgrama
and to the north of Kokilara. The plates were issued from the royal camp on the bank of

*For another instance of a correction inserted in a wrong place, sec above, p. 39, n. 1.

2 A similar gotra, with Vdji prefixed to it, is Vdji~Kaus’ika mentioned in the Indore plates, line 15.
In both these cases the donees may have belonged to the Vajasaneya sdklid of the Yajurveda.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THi: MAIN BRANCH

the river Hiranya on the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Jyeshtha in the twenty-
fifth yeari, evidently of the reign of Pravarasena II. The Sendpati at the time was Bappadeva,
He is mentioned also in the Siwani plates of Pravarasena II. The scribe was Maradasa.

The donee Rudrarya is styled vishuva-vdclianaka (reciter at a vishuva) which suggests that
the grant was made on the occasion of a vishuva or equinox. The vishuva immediately
preceding the date of the grant \vas that of the Mesha-sahkranti falling in Chaitra. The
grant was evidently made to the Brahmana for reciting certain sacred texts on the occasion
of the vishuva or Mesha-sahkranti.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, the Supratishtha ahara in which
the \ illage Velusuka was situated is mentioned in two other grants, viz., the Poona plates of
Prabhavatigupta and the Jamb plates of Pra\ arasena II. It seems to hav e comprised parts
of the Hihganghat, W'arora and Yeotmal tahsils of the ^Vardha, Chanda and Yeotmal Dis-
tricts respectiveh . The village \’elusuka in which the donated land was situated cannot
now be traced, but it seems to have occupied the same position as modern Chinchmandal
which lies just on the south of the elbow of the ^\ unna; for all the boundary villages mentioned
in the present charier can be traced in the vicinity of it in the respective directions. Thus
Gridbragrama is Gadeghab about 8 miles to the west, and Niligrama is Niljai, about
5 miles to the east of Chinchmandal. Kadambasaraka is Kosara, about 2 miles to the
north. Kokilara is modern Khairi which lies about 4 miles to the north-west. All the
boundaiy' villages can thus be satisfactorily identified in the vicinity of Chinchmandal. It is
again noteworthy that Chinchmandal lies only about 5 miles to the south of ^Vadgaon where
the plates were found. The river Hiranya is the modern Erai, which flows from north to
south in the ^\arora tahsil and ultimately joins the ^Vardha. Ekarjunaka where the donee
resided is probably Arjuni on the left bank of the Erai, about 16 miles north-east of Warbra,
the chief town of the Warbra tahsil.

Text-
First Plate

‘Lines 20-21 of the present plates state that the grant was made in the twentieth vear, but this is
probably a mistake. Perhaps paiicha was omitted before visatima in line 20. What looks like the syllable
ncha at the end of the last line may have been part of paiicha inserted in the wrong place. It is unlikely
that the grant remained unregistered for five years. °

2 From the facsimiles facing pages 76 and 77, Ep. Ind., \’ol. XXVII.

^Expressed by a symbol.

4 Read tTr?rf^-.

5 Read

6The engraver at first incised gr, which he after changed into >Tr.

fcfTrtj]- ( fl'i ^4^ qi'T.K'Mdi

^ iffl 4 <4 Sffr

rfeT[TT]-

'STT^rm ( flt ) M <1=056+1 ( ^ ) iPl ( ^ ) ( ^ ) c[^-

’flTTf^TTRt 4 H I k 1 4il

Second Plate: First Side

Tr^(^)d4)N[ (flt)

CORPl'S INSCRIPTION TM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE Nil

WADGAON PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

D. C. Sircar

Scale: about Three-fourths

Reg No 3977 E'36— Iif »’6?«

Printed AT THE Survey OF INDIA Offices 'P L O i

ntfa

It J ,6

WADGAON PLATES OF PRA\^\RASEXA II

9 ^-9 1 cl ‘cf^, H>UA| ) ?T^-

10 ( ^ ) 'TT’j 9 ^ f'W rci 'bi j-ii ( tjt ) ( fr ) ^ h rf^ ( f^ ) 4;

12 ^I'Md+Hi Rf ITT^-T ( «ft ) 'Tf^'^-

13 RRTRRRR; WT^R ( 91 ) f^5Rrf«r^ ( Jsft ) RR^- "

14 R^ R(RT)R>rd''t>HT R^TTTR5qTR(R)^(R)RRT RRT: RrfKNl-^

Second Plate: Second Side

15 fRRTRT ( R ) ( # ) ■<RR'-R^rRt ( Rt ) RRIR^R'RTRTRtRtT^ RT ( R )

16 RRTR^ ( R ) Rrra'RRf R =IIRi|d+MIH<m|(|)sfR<R'^l-

17 TTR{r)#RRTRRFT RRRT[r*] II RRlTO(’^)flT fRRRTR^"

18 TTPRRTRJW [r] 5T ( fel ) RR:^ Rt^RTRTR R-

19 fR=iH6:(RR:) ^>fRrRRRT(RT) TfTRT: RRRRTRTR RTR: RRFRT^

20 TTRRRR;*^ ^ ( R ) fR ( T r ) RRRRdTRl ( fR ) ^RcRlfr <roo ^R^R^ R-

21 R^ fRR R ^ R H RT ‘ °Rr# ( fR ) ^%RT ( rR ) RJ fmR

Third Plate: First Side

22 0R>|R6=b=| (RT)PrToRfR‘i %R<^s( Wr(2Rf )R RRiTr [i *] RRT^'R^^RRR:

23 -H ^fr4R ( ) 5jl[fR]ilTT| f^RRRl : Rl RfR^'IT ( Tt ) f ^‘^RlfRfTRT RRT ( dT ) ( ^ )

24 R(RT)^ fRRR^s^'- RTRfesRT: [l*]fRfRR^ R: RR^TFRT-

25 fRRTcRRT RT^tTR ( R ) 5^ ^RrIr ( R ) ^R2R [Fr] R^ fflRR-

26 tt(^)RTRRRTcRTRRfTR RRfw RFR^RTR R^4 r<:RT(W) [r]r-

27 R^RRT(1r)^:‘^ [l*] RRTFftfRRT ( Rt ) ^I^RTTRTRRRT ( Rt ) =RTr4(5R)RT-

28 R'^r^RiRTRrfHRVIR; [l *] RWRT RRfdlRV RRdTSRTR-

Third Plate: Second Side

99 RT^: RRKRRRTRRlRf:

30 RRTTTRRRFRT^R: RRRRR^ ( ) RRR [r] ( Fr ) ?RRR:: RfR[fR:]

31 RrRR(fR)fR: RR^^RR^: r4r ( Fr ) f^fR^nTlfTfR;

32 ‘^3TTRF?tF?RTT ( RT ) R'lRtR: ^RRFrT [r][RT] ( RT ) fR ( ^ ) >pRRT-

^This akshara, which was omitted at first, has been written in a small form.

2Xhe medial i of this akshara has been subsequently shortened.

^The engraver at first incised kri and subsequently changed it into srL

^Just below this word, the aksharas Afarade(dd)s[€] have been incised, but their proper place
seems to be after Bappadeve^ line 42.

^Read

^Just before this word there is the numerical symbol for 2 denoting the number of the plate.
’Read q^*TTq.

^This visarga is redundant.

9Read This is probably a mistake for Sec the regnal year mentioned in

line 41.

^^These seven are of a large size and have been incised over others which were carefully

beaten in.

^^Read and so as to make them agree with

^2Read

^^This should qualify a word like ?rp?:, but the drafter of the record forgot that the object of the
grant was four hundred nivartanas of land, not the whole village.

J^Read

^^Just before this word there is the symbol for 3, denoting the number of the plate.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

^ 4cMM 4T(tT)

qfr^^(crt) ^ii|fr=^,| <i|Tri' W;- rT^

Fourth Plate

fwflf) 5zuTr:(5!3Tftr) [i*] artw(fw)5^ [t*] w 3fd1dH+<nr [? tT*]-

5TFT9iTq’{'TT)^(^i) t> ^Id^lTR; [l*^] oid^rjft^jdn)

MBlRl4.Tic4'V^I 444tTT(TTt) H ^ ^ [l*]

^f^d’(^rarr lly|l ^) II H^^qlsvVhdW

#d’(?TT)^('T)TT ^ d"'" [^Y'

A 'VTCT a 'T'Tf^V'

Success! Seen. From the camp on the river Hiranya

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (II), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas
and a devout worshipper of Alahesvara, who, by the grace of Sambhu, has established the
Krita-j’uga (Golden Age) {on the earth), who was born of Prabhavati§[upta, the daughter of
the Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Devagupta, [and) who is the son of the illustrious
Rudrasena (II), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas —

(For translation oj lines 1-14, see above, pp. 13-14.)

( There is) a village named Velusuka in the dhdra of Supratishtha, which lies to the east
of Gridkragrama, to the south of Kadambasaraka, to the west of NUigrama and to the
north of Kokilara. From this (village) four hundred nivartanas — {in figures) 400 — of land by the
royal measure have been donated to Rudrai*ya of the Vaji-Lohitya gotra, who resides at
Ekatjunaka and who has recited (the Vedic mantras) on the occasion of the Equinox (Vishiwa).

(For translation oJ lines 22-37, see above, pp. 14-15 and p- 32)

The I folloiving) two \’erses sung by \N'asa should be regarded as authoritative on this
point ; —

(Here folloiv tivo benedictive and imprecatory verses.)

(Line 41 i. ( This charter has been) written by Maradasa, while Bappadiva is the
Sendpati, on the tenth (lunar day) of the bright (fortnight) or Jyeshtha in the twenty-fifth
(regnal) year. May there be happiness!

'-Read 3FK%T.

^The superscript ^ of this akshara has been wrongly cancelled. Read
^Metre of this and the next verse — Anushtubh.

7 Read
SRead

9The superscript letter of this conjunct which was h has been corrected into p.
lORead MK'^tff^ - The aksliaras JTTT^ which were inadvertently omitted here \vere afterwards
wrongly incised in the lower right comer below line 14 on the first side of the second plate.

11 Read There is an ornamental figure after this word.

12This is possibly a part of the w'ord <T3=5r- omitted before in line 20 above.

i3Read or

Xo. 13: Plate XIII

PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA H

T hese plates were discovered at Pattan, a \ illage in the Xlultai tahsil of the Betul
District in Madhya Pradesh. They were turned up in a field by the plough of a farmer in
1935. They were later acquired for the Central Museum, Nagpur, where they are now
deposited. I edited them with facsimiles in the Epigraphia Indica, \’'ol. XXIII, pp. 81 f.
^ They are edited here from the same facsimiles.

The copper-plates are five in number, of which the first and the last arc inscribed
on one side only and the remaining three on both the sides. Each plate measures 6’9'' bv
4" and is about T" in thickness. The ends of the plates are neither fashioned thicker nor
raised into rims for the protection of the writing. About T9" from the proper right side
of each plate there is a hole, -J " in diameter, for the ring which originally connected the
plates. When the plates reached the Nagpur Museum, the ring had been straightened and
its seal, which is a round disc, separated from it. The usual band to which the seal must
have been rivetted is not forthcoming now. The weight of the plates is 134 tolas and that
of the seal, tolas. The plates are not now in a good state of preservation. Their surface,
which originally was not made quite smooth, has been further damaged by rust. Many
letters in the right half of line 45 and most of those in the two following lines have been almost
obliterated by friction, but can be read, though with some difficulty, from the traces left
on the plate. Each inscribed surface contains six lines, except the first side of the third
plate which has only five lines inscribed on it. The seal contains the usual Vakataka legend
in verse, inscribed in four lines.

The characters are of the box-headed \’ariety of the southern alphabets. The only
peculiarities that call for notice are as follows: — The medial i f^long) is generally denoted by
a ringlet in the curve which represents its short form, but in one case (viz., Bhagiratthy-,
line 7) by a curve turned in the opposite direction, and in another by a dot in the circle (cf.
Sri-Pravarasenasya, line 19); the medial a is cursive in Lohanagard-, line 20; the medial au
is bipartite everyAvhere; the subscript j and b have no notch on the left as in -drjjava-, line 10
and -dyur-bbala, line 27 ; a final consonant is indicated by its small form and in some cases
by a short horizontal stroke at the top; cf. Pravarapurdt, line 1, and dattani, line 23;
the upadhmdniya occurs in lines 15, 18, and 35 of the inscription and in line 3 of the legend
on the seal. Punctuation is indicated by two or three vertical and somewhat curved lines
followed by a dash.

^ The language is Sanskrit. Except for the legend on the seal and the customary

benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the whole record is in prose. It abounds in
mistakes of orthography, sandhi, syntax, declension, conjugation, verbal and nominal deriva-
tives etc., most of which must be attributed to the ignorance or carelessness of the writer.
As regards mistakes of orthography, we may note the use of the short for the long vowel as
in sunoh, line 4, of ri for the vowel ri and of li for the vowel H as in Prithivi- line 14 and
klipt~bpakliptah in line 33; in many cases the rules of sandhi have been violated; cf. gunai
samupetasya, line 12; For mistakes of declension, see such forms as purvvdyd, line 25, and
for those of declension see kdrayita, line 36, and kuryydrnah, line 37. As an instance of wrong
verbal derivathes, see kdrdvaka, lines 46-47 and for that of nominal derivati\ es, notice

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE M\IN BRANCH

rajakya tor rajaklya], line 22. The \s ritei' has \lolated an elementary rule of concord in
in sutayah Prabhavatiguptdyam, line 17 and of compounding in murdhn-dbhishiktdndn-^ line 7.
As regards orthographical peculiarities sanctioned by Sanskrit grammar, we may notice
that consonant preceding r and r is doubled in pardkkrama-, line 6, and sarvvdddhyaksha,
line 24, and that following r is similarly reduplicated in varddhamana-, line 13.

The inscription, which opens with drishtain, is one of the Vakataka Mahdrdja Pravara-
sena 11 . His genealogy is given here as in his other plates, his maternal grandfather being
called Devag^pta. The object of the present plates, which were issued from Pravarapura^y
is to record the grant of 400 nivartanas of land, by the royal measure^, in the Asvatthakhetaka
for the maintenance of a sattra or charitable feeding house in honour of the foot-prints of
Alahapurusha ( \ ishnu)^. The a illage was situated in the mdrga of Varadakheta included in
the division bhdga) of Lohanagara. The gift was made at the request of Narayanaraja.
The charter was written on the seventh day of the dark fortnight of Karttika in the
twenty-seventh u egnal) year. The scribe was Kalidasa who was serving under the Sendpati
Katyayana. The record as engra\ ed by the goldsmith Isvaradatta, who was a servant of
Kaun^raja. It is stated at the end that Pitamaha and Nanda caused the charter to be
drafted.

The present plates furnish the last but one date so far known of Pravarasmia IPs
reign. The mention of Pra\ arapura as the place of issue shows that the city continued to be
the royal capital to the end of his reign. Kaundaraja whose ser\-ant Isvaradatta incised
the present charter is evidently identical with Kondaraja, the son of Satrughnaraja, at
whose request the grant recorded in the Chammak plates was madeb

The mention of Kalidasa in the present grant raises the interesting question of his
identity with the illustrious Sanskrit poet of that name. The latter is generally placed in
the Gupta period, but the earliest epigraphical mention of his name occurs in the Aihole
prasasti of Pulakesin II, dated Saka 556 (634 A.C.)5. This is the first time that the name
Kalidasa has been discovered in a record of the Gupta period.

Kalidasa, no doubt, figures only as a scribe in the present grant, but that does not
per se disprove his identity with the great Sanskrit poet. Such charters were generally draft-
ed and written on copper-plates by clerks working in the office of the Sdndhivigrahika or
Minister for peace and war, but sometimes we find e\en great officers mentioned as writers
of such documents. Thus the w riter of the Tirodi plates of Pravarasena II w^as the Chief
Minister (Rdjyddhikrita) himself^. Again, according to a tradition recorded by Ramadasa
a commentator of the Setubandha, Kalidasa composed the Prakrit kdvya for Pravarasena
by the order of Vikramadityab This he must have done during his sojourn in Vidarbha.
The idea of writing the Meghaduta seems to have suggested itself to the poet’s mind at Ramtek
near Nagpur (Ramagiri of the Meghaduta), which we know w^as a holy place visited by the

aijujifit; anarma'

in 11 as It

1 Since the grant was made at the capital, the express
does in other Vakataka grants made at the capital.

2The same expression occurs in the Wadgaon plates (No. 12). See also Rajamanika in No. 6 line 18
There may have been local measures called mshaya-mana. Cf. Sahkheda plates of Dadda TT ’ir r t
Vol. IV, p. 77). ■ ■ ^ 10. 7. i.,

3For a similar grant of a slightly later period, see the Podagadh inscription, Ep. Itid Vol XXI
p. 156. For Mahapurusha or Mahapurusha meaning \4shnu, see the Bkaaavata Pur ana IT tin- \/
15, 4 and 6; 17, 16-17; VIII, 6, 32, etc. ' b lU, V,

"^See No. 6, line 19.

^Ep. Ind,y Vol. VI, pp. 1 f.

6No. II, line 32.

bNirnayasagar Press ed., p. 3; sec also the colophon of the last canto.

PATTAX PLATES OF PR A VAR AS EX A II

VakatakasF It is not unlikely that while in Vidarbha, Kalidasa was attached to the office
of the Sendpati as stated in the present record. He may therefore be identified with the
writer of this grant.

But a close examination of the present record shows that this view is untenable. The
scribe of the present plates had a very imperfect knowledge of Sanskrit. As pointed out
above, there are numerous orthographical and grammatical mistakes, for most of which the
writer, not the engraver, must have been responsible. On the other hand, Kalidasa had
a great command over the Sanskrit language. He has emphasised the importance of
correct speech in one of his similes^, and his works contain fewer instances of solecisms than
those of his predecessors and successors. It is incredible that such a great poet as Kalidasa
would commit so many mistakes of orthography, sandhi, syntax, nominal and verbal forms,
etc., which disfigure the present record. Disappointing as it is, one has to admit that the
scribe was only a namesake and a contemporary of, but not identical with, the prince of
Sanskrit poets. We may note here that similar names ending in dasa were current in
Vidarbha in the age of the Vakatakas. Thus we know of Xamidasa, a Sendpati, Chamidasa,
the Chief Minister, as well as the writers Chakradasa, Goladasa and Maradasa.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Varadakheta is probably Warud
in the Morsi tahsil of the Amara\ atl District, about 1 2 miles south of Pattan. Lohanagara,
the headquarters of an ancient division, may be represented by LonI, about 9 miles south-
w'est of \Varud. The name of the village Asvatthakhetaka, in tvhich the donated land was
situated, can no longer be traced; its site seems to be occupied by the modern village
Pattan. Tradition says that the ancient village, the site of which is now included in
Pattan, was turned upside down and buried underground by the curse of a Muslim saint
Sulaiman Shah^. Even now' when excavations are made, large-size bricks, beads of onyx
and old coins are found there, which also shows that the modern village is occupying an
old site. It may, again, be noted that Pattan lies on the way from Multai to \\'arud
(ancient Varadakheta), and may, therefore, have been included in the mdrga territorial
divisionl of Varadakheta.

Text+

First Plate

4 d I i-H d ^ ^ ) TT ^

5 fnixTwrFr fvi I n*i d Ri =i

o o

Second Plate: First Side

7 { 'df ) ft! 4d M 1 ^ I' yd 1 d I -

1 No. 8, line i.

- Kumdrasambhaia, canto I, v. 27.

"^Betul District Gazetteer, p. 256.

^From the facsimiles facing pages 86-88 in Ep. Ind., \'ol. XXIII.

5 Read trSTR:.

6 Read srtT-.

7 Read

IXSCRIPTIOXS OF THE MAIX BRANCH

20
21
22
23

28
29

^ ) 'TT^^Rnr [f^^jqr^fq^'fl'-

f^rT^^'dnqfq jjfij rc | ^ rj" H 1^4 (vA^ I fcj J|^U| [; *]

Second Plate: Second Side

I'H >^^9%

^ ( ?r ) TWR 44^44.9 1 1

'O ' C\ /

I'H I ^-0 ^1 -’.I ^ ^(^)?fT-
^ (^ ) ^TH'^TOirJsfttTiTLd'H d m 1 srew[f^]^T^T-
qriT^q^r^ srnftxsi fi fd ‘V ftttttw ^i^d+'MT

Third Plate: First Side

4'H^I <M5iTtST^4^T4q- [t*] II
HT^'JHKIBfV TOR 4d0HJT

^nRT [l*] 3TR ^ JJ-

^IWTR^ RflJ^TT-

TTT^qtqAfr^q'^ TRTWH^rfqW^T T^[l*]

Third Plate: Second Side

5TTT40 -d =6 1 4B =4 1 4 ^ ^Tf^EftrTf^qTT: amw^-

lift'd! ^THT[^'c 5|]4I^'4 fq’^d'^'sd? ( ^ ) TTIHTT-

diqfiTda'Mi: [l*] t(^) T#(t)TT“?RTf^TTT?R-

^BFc'BHil^iq t^rfw 'Ti%?TR 31^=~d4c4l (r^lT)

[l*] 3T5qTFfrf%'^4:'^=4 <l[^]^[wt] =^5-

Fourth Plate: First Side

5? ( gf ) wpnj (jr ) T 4 1 frd d <m : [ 1 *] ^sTT 3r>TH:-

^(=5^)wt^: spTRtprTft^?^: 3 ^.

^The box at the top of^ is not completely incised.

2 All other Viika^aka grants discovered so far read Tfr=TW^ thus making the construction

ambiguous. The reading in the present plates shows that the adjectival expressions from 3T <SI»d^’jlf*l*
onwards qualify

2 This expression is unnecessarily repeated.

■l^Read i) .

5 Read g^TPlt.

6 Read q^-.

c ^

7 Read .

9 The engraver has cancelled a redundant stroke on the left of ^t.

10 Read inft'3Fq7f?r and -f^5IW

11 The construction is faulty here. We should have cither trqr [vrfrr:*] or ti^rggTr*!

irflnjES-;. '' ‘ ^ L 5 • J

‘ 12 Read fernr:. The writer has forgotten that the present grant was made to a temple and

not to Brahmanas versed m the four Vedas. Notice in lines 36-37 below. Some of the

prohibitions and exemptions laid down here are appropriate only in the case of a gift of a whole village

PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

TT ( ^ ) (f^) feqftfT-

r O' r^r' r- / \ v

Tqfrf^[;*] ^ETf^q-:

\c/\c/

TT^T^PTTPfft ^syi| 4-1 1 rj ( »ft ) T +’lP^S'Ml^ ldfi<doiL

(f^)TTf^Rr(Rr)7f5TT5Txqf<T4fi<^=i^ [l*]

Fourth Plate: Second Side

^TwnT[;*l ^^RTRfr 'Tfwrt ^ wr^-

4^feTRI [l*] 3rfRT^^

[ t *]^ 3Rft^H^<HciTll (^)^^'=^-ddMRMI^d (^l)

#rfirrrT: [l*] ^

^FTFft^r^oq^ [l*] ^^^rTTCTOrTt tft ^

w [?n*]

Fifth Plate

srR#^

=^TWTr ^ T7:% ll[^ll*]

y'H IMf^cqTMd-

^Rr(^) II 3TRI ^TTT-

SRTt II

Seal

4 1 + ( ^ ) ^ ( W ) RRT

^WTRT^^Pi; [l*J

Translation

Seen. Hail! From Pravarapura —

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (II)j the Aiahdrdja of the Vakatakas,
and a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, who, by the grace of ^arnbhu, has established the
Kritayuga (Golden x\ge) {on the earth), who was born of Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of
the Mahdrdjddhirdja, the illustrious Devagupta, {and) who is the son of the illustrious Rudra-
sena (H), the Mahdrdja of the Vakatakas —

{For translation of lines 1-16, see above, pp. 13-14.)

(The residents of) the village led by the Brahmanas in Asvatthakhetoka in the mdrga
of Varadakheta {included) in the bhbga of Lohanagara, should be addressed as follows:—

iRead
2 Read

^The anusvdra is superfluous.

“tMetre of this and the next verse: Anushtubk.

5 Read ?r=?c€^

6What looks like a dot in the middle of the circle denoting medial i is probably due to a fault in
the copper.

2The letters in the brackets can be read with certainty on the original plate.

SRead

9 Metre: Anushtubh.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

In this village \\ e hav e donated, at the request of Narayanaraja, four hundred
nivaTlanas of land by the roval measure, to be utilised for the charitable feeding house
(attached to the temple of) Mahapurusha (Vishnu).

(For translation of lines 24-39, see above, pp. 14-15 and p. 32.)

(Line 39). And the following two verses sung by Vy^sa should be regarded as authori-
tative on this point: —

{Here occur two benedictive and imprecatory verses.)

(Line 43;. \ This charter has been) written by Kalidasa, a servant of the Sendpati

Katyayana on the seventh {lunar day) in the dark fortnight of karttika in the twenty-

seventh {regnal) year. {It has been) engraved by the goldsmith Isvaradatta, a serv^ant of
KaondarSja. The executors of this {royal) charter are Pitamaha and Nanda.

Seal

For translation of the legend on the seal, see above, p. 27.)

CORPUS IXSCRIFTIONUM IXDICARUM

VOL. VI PLATE XIII (contd)

PATTAN PLATES OF PRAVAEASENA II

io.b

0 C Strc"jr

Scale; Seven-tenths

Printed at the Survey of India Offices i^P L O ),

Reg No 3977 E'36- 5 ‘6?.

Xo. 14: Plate XI\’

PANDHURNA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA H

T hese plates are said to have been found in 1942 \vhen the old house of one Kadu
Patil ^vas being demolished atTigaon, a village six miles X*orthby W'^estfrom Pan^urna
on the Itarsi-Nagpur line of the Central Railway, in the Chhindwara District of Madhya
Pradesh. Later, they reached the hands of Mr. M. G. Karnik, I.A.S., while he was Deputy
Commissioner at Chhindwara. They were brought to my notice in October 1957 by
Mr. V. P. Rode, who had seen and deciphered them partially at Air. Karnik s residence.
At my request Mr. Karnik ^■ery kindly allowed Air. Krishna Dev, Superintendent,
Archaeological Department, to take their estampages, from which I first deciphered the
record. Later, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist, kindly supplied me with
a set of ink impressions which are reproduced here. I have received some help in the
decipherment and interpretation of this grant from Air. N. L. Rao. I am grateful to all
these friends who have helped me in one way or another. I edit the record here from the
impressions received from Mr. Krishna Deva and Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra.

The copper-plates are five in number, each measuring 7-5" by 3-7'2 The first and
the last plate are inscribed on one side only and the remaining three on both the sides. The
plates have a hole, ‘5" in diameter, for the ring which strung them together, but neither the
ring nor the seal which it must have carried has been found. All the plates are in a good
state of preservation. Their weight is 195 folds.

The record consists of 55 lines, which are unevenly distributed on the eight sides of the
five plates, some having six and others seven or eight lines inscribed on them. The first
two and the last ttvo plates are neatly engraved. The letters on the third plate are, how-
ever, carelessly incised. In some places they are imperfectly formed or run into one another.
The language of this portion of the record is very faulty and contains some Prakrit words and
affixes. This clearly indicates that this plate is spurious. It seems to ha\ c been sub-
stituted for the original third plate of the grant.

The characters are of the box-headed variety. The following peculiarities may be
noted: The medial i (long) is shown either by a dot in a curve as in -kdlfya, line 42, or by two
curves, one inside the other, as in sri-Pravarasenasja in line 4; the medial au is bipartite as in
daubitrasya, line 8; t and 7t are sometimes confused as in dchchhentd, lines 51-52; the letter I has
generally a short vertical on the right, but sometimes it sharph' curves to the left; see
Lekhapallikd- in line 26; the sign ofjihvdmuUya occurs in line 43 and the numerical symbols
for 20, 9, 7 and 5 in lines 27, 28, 30, 31 and 53.

The language is Sanskrit, and except for two bencdictivc and imprecatory verses at the
end, the whole record is in prose. The portion on the third plate, w'hich, as shown above,
is probably spurious, is very carelessly drafted and contains some Prakrit words such as
valthavva or vdtthavva (for vdstavya) in lines 28 and 31, and pdnuvisd ov pdnuvisd .Joy paikhavimhti)
in lines 26 and 29. Some of the expressions used in this portion are, again, \ cr\^ obscure ;
see, e.g. padamarati in line 28 and nijuttinardti in line 31. In other parts the present record
does not present any difficulties of interpretation. As regards orthography, we may note
that a nasal is used for anusvdra as in ansa-, line 5 and trinse, line 53; li is used for the
vowel U in sa-klipt-opaklipta in line 41 and the consonant following r is reduplicated as in
abhivarddhamana-, line 13.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

The record opens with the word drjshtam ‘ seen The charter was granted by the
Vakatsika king Pravarasraa O. His genealogy is given here as in his other grants, his
maternal grandfather being called Rdjddhirdja Devagnpta. The plates were issued from the
temple of Pravaresvara, but the place where this temple was situated has not been men-
tioned. Pravaresvara was evidently the name of the iSivalihga installed by the Vakataka king
Pravarasena I and named after himself. The terntorial division in which the temple was
situated is called Pravaresvara-shadvirhsati-vataka in the Belora plates (two sets), issued in
the early part of Pravarasena IPs reign. Its exact location cannot be determined, but it
w'as probably situated in the Wardha District.

The present grant is dated, in line 53, on the tenth tithi of the dark fortnight of
Valsakha in the twenty-ninth regnal year of Pravarasena II. It is the last known
grant of this king. It was written by Acharya* while Madhappa was the Sendpati.

The object of the present inscription was to record the gift of two thousand nivartanas
of land in the village Dhuvavataka included in the territorial division of Varuchcharajya, to
several Brahmanas of different Charanas (sdkhds) and gotras. Only four of them viz. Yajnarya,

Bhdjarya, SSmar^ a and Dharmarya are mentioned by name. All of them belonged to the
Vdjasaneja or White Tajurveda, and the first three of them are explicitly stated to be of
Kaundinya gotra. The villages Bi^hmana^taka, Ajakarna, Badarigrama and Darbha-
patha are mentioned while stating the boundaries of Dhuvavataka. This donated land
was given in exchange for another village named Vijayapallivataka^ which had been
previously gifted by Prithiviraja i.e. by Prithivishena I. In the spurious third plate which
was inserted in the charter later, two other gifts of twenty-five nivartanas each, together with
an additional nivartana for building a residential house, are recorded on the occasion of
tilavdchanaka (i.e. a hdddha) in favour of the Brahmana S^marya, who was one of the >

donees of the original grant and resided at Kallara. The first piece of land was situated
in the village of LSkbapallika and the second in that of Saiigamika, both being included
in the territorial division called Aramxnirajya.

Both these gifts purport to have been made in the same regnal year as the original
grant, viz. the twenty-ninth, but the first was given on the seventh day of the fifth fortnight,
and the second on the ninth day of the seventh fortnight of the rainy season. It will be
noticed that this method of recording a gift in a season, a fortnight and a day is different from
that used in line 53 while registering the original gift viz. by citing a month, a bright or dark
fortnight and a tithi. Such season dates occur only in two other Vakataka inscriptions viz.
the B^im plates^ of Vindhyasakti II and the Dudia plates"*^ of Pravarasena II. This
difference in dating the two gifts adds to the suspicion about the genuineness of the third
plate in which they are recorded. It seems plain that the Brahmana Somarya, in whose
favour they are said to have been made, got the third plate prepared and engraved, and
surreptitiously inserted it in the original charter.

As for the localities mentioned in this grant, Vijayapalll^taka may be BijagSra on
the left bank of the Kanhan, about four miles to the north of the Multai-Chhindwara road.
Varnchclia, the headquarters of the Varucbcha-rajya, may be Varegaon, about four
miles west of Pandhurna. The village Dhnvavatoka, in which the donated land was situat-
ed, cannot now be traced, but two of its boundary villages still exist in the neighbourhood

lAcharya was the scribe of the Siwani plates (No. 7) also.

2For another such exchange, see No. 15, lines 6-7.

3No. 23, line 28 and 29.

4No. 10, line 28.

PANDHURNA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

of Tigaon. Thus Badarigrama may be modern Borgaon which lies about two miles
to the north, and Ajakarna may be the same as Ajangaon, about four miles south by east of
Tigaon. The two villages LSkhapallika 'and Sangamika mentioned in the spurious third
plate as situated in the territorial division of Arammi-rajya may be identical with Lakhapur
near Chikhali on the Multai-Chhindwara road, and Sahgam near the confluence of the
rivers Kanhan and Bel. Arammi, the headquarters of the territorial division in which
they were situated, may be identical with Amla, a station on the Itarsi-Nagpur line of the
Central Railway. Arammirajya is also mentioned in the Dudia plates * which, again, were
found in the Chhindwara District. Kallara where the Brahmana Somary'a was residing may
be Kherli, about 13 miles north of Multai. The other places cannot be identified.

Test2
First Plate

8
9

[l*] [l*] fifl I

d m d 4 fd <=1 ^ I ^

^ c\ c\

fl cM 1 Ptd <N M I V

Second Plate: First Side

d I + 1 i'h I fli t-H ^Kl'd ^[:]

fflVd i-H efl I Pdfl u| d fl

«o o

ctl+lci+Ml (fit)

Second Plate: Second Side

'?mcRWTFr:(w:) 5RrT^'TT[f^]d[5^t]-

iNo. 10, line 13.

2 From ink-impressions supplied by Mr. Krishna Dev and Dr. B. Gh. Chhabra.

3 Read

“^Here and in several places below, the rules of sandhi have not been observed.

5 Read ^rSTFifl.

6 Read ^:.

2 This mark of punctuation is redundant.

8 Read anr-.

9 Read ^isIMTiT-.

10 Read ^TRITc^^TIT^-.

11 Read as in other cognate grants.

12 Read

14 Read

15 Read TfliRttWR.

16 Read The following word is redundant.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

20
21
22

^rnfT: =ll't4d+m(?lt)Rfr-

^T^u|=||dct>; ^ITR^qmTT^'^ JTrlFrr^ 5RTnTOT¥(^rT)WTFT

Third Plate: First Side

t TTWTBTT^ ?TFTFftW?7JNt^ I ^ 5r%¥T^-

q I =^1 f«s'-q ti ^ ?i k4 k4 4 1

(f^)^ t^(c5r)WTTT(’Tt) WF|TT(m)Tr ^(^) [l*]
3TTTfNTRWWqfe7^(zrt) <m=tAlBMH“ TFli^^' f^[^]-

f44Tlu|U|‘3 ^ [=t]^TJHft^+ qr^r^T# fd'4c|Nrj=ti ^

^15 1^16,^ q^vr<ifd'^^,o =iir^=hir^4rji^>BR4^ ^[i*]

Third Plate: Second Side

srrrfiBT^'^ ?r^-3lf4=Ml4-® ^ Hi4f4^l^' fB4JirTf^4Tl4-

^ W?4R ^ [is] f^26 ^

'Jim ^[tt] ' 3 f4q^~^

1 In other Vakataka grants this title is mentioned as it|T^tr3flf4TT5r.

2 This akshara is redundant.

3 Read
■*Read

5 Read irtrWf.

^Read
7 Read

3 Read TTW#q'.

^Read ^T^nrwfr after qrqpmrwr^'r.
lORead ^ (qualifying i in this very line}.

JiRead TTSRRq.

12 Read W; 'T3=^f%^;.

13 Read f^q^nFi'ia’iq'

1‘^Read

13 Read
16 Read f^.

12 The meaning of this is not clear to me.

13 Read

l^Read 3nTfiqqjj*T.

20 Read ^qOr+rqt.

21 Read TPHtr^T.

22 Read

23 Read Ftq^pRddq.

24^ Read

25 Read q^?q^.

26 Read f^.

22 Read

20This date appears superfluous.

29The meaning of this is not clear to me.

30 Read

31 Read (qualifying ^fq; in line 29 above).

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI. Plate XIV.

PANBHTJRNA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

Scale: Three-fourths.

RCG No 3977 E’36-1,103'63,
0 C. Strcar

Printed at the Survey of India Offices iP L O

PANDHURNA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

iii^b

PANDHURNA PLATES OF PRAVARASEXA II

Fourth Plate: First Side

35 %n^RTcR{^)T?I^ qriTFTR 3I^ 4^Ti i (^)

37 ^:*] m+^^A| K|tMf<^l <k'4^ #WR^[|*]

38 3rTP:(t) tot-

39 ?[:*■] 3r^(=Tr)

40 t[:*] ?m(f^)feqfcfT7:qf^-

41 ^[:*] Tr1%f^[:*] #Tf^4[:*] [:*y 3Tr^rf^T(^) -

Fourth Plate: Second Side

42 T ^Tf^?=qT(gr^T)^-

43 ?T^#fcrrf^[:*] g-(^)7fsT^[;*] qfr^-^fqTf-

44 5?T^[l*] i|i!’^^^4H^H^^i^4|U|^JH|^l (?T:) ^FTeqTRfT ^-

45 fWTT('Tt) TOTftr ^ ^

48 TiHMf<^l<k4(^) T ^TtWR[:*] [l*] ^(oTT)Tr^ ^

Fifth Plate

49 ^^fl^ SFlIuiknT^^ [l*] ^cfrll (xlt) TO^^t(^) [tt] TT T-

50 w(^) ^ ii*]

51 Tft^ ’f{fm: [l*] 3IF5#-

52 ^(^) ^IHO'-kll ^ ll[^ll*] TnWT T-

53 ■?. t^nTOTTT^ l^WTST

54 #TPRft RPPT I RT 'W^T

55 M?TOTTFT^"|

Translation

Seen. From the place of the temple of Pravaresvara —

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (II), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas, who,
by the grace of Sambhu, has established the Krita-yuga (Golden Age) {on the earth), who
was born of Prabhavatigupdi, the daughter of the Rajadhiraja, the illustrious Devagupta,
(and) who is the son of the illustrious Rudrasena (II), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas —

2 Read -JrTcRTcjTif it has to qualify some ^\•ord like

3Read ^^r^f^nnw^r; 'Tf^TTT?#.

4 Read

5 Read ar^rr^nfr.

®Read anTS^gT^HT??^’:. These expressions, which qualify some word like ?IPT;, are really inappli-
cable here as the object of the gift is some land and not a village.

7 Read tlW'dl'T-ftJkl;.

8 Read ^r^Tfr.

^Metre of this and the following verse: Anushtubh.

10 Read iT^fNfiRr.

11 LiHsIa is unnecessarily repeated. Read afr^R'*!. Achilrya is mentioned as the scribe in line
35 of the Siwani plates (No. 7) also.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

[For transladon of lines 1 to 19, see above, pp. 13-14.)

(Line 19). In exchange for Vijayapallivataka granted by Prithiviraja*, land, mea-
suring two thousand nivartanas by the royal measure in [the village) Dhuvavataka, situated
in [the territorial division called) Varuchcha-rajya which lies in the low ground by the western
boundary of the village Brahmanav3^ka, to the north of the way to the village Ajakarna,
to the east of the village Badari and to the west of [the village) Darbhapatha, has been
donated [by Us) to Brahmanas of various gotras and charanas.

(Line 23). The recipients [of the gift) are as follows ; — [This land) has been donated
to Brahmanas, the foremost of whom are Yajnarya and Bhojarya of the Vajasaneya [sdkhd)
and the Kaundinya gbtra, Somarya of the Vajasaneya [sdkhd) and Kaundinya gotra, and
Dharmarya of the Vajasaneya [sdkhd).

(Line 26). Further, here at the place of religious worship [for Our well-being) in this
and the other world at the recitation [of sacred texts) accompanied by a libation of sesamum
seeds2, on the Ttkday in the 5th [fortnight) of the 29th [regnal) year^jland measuring twenty-
five nivartanas by the royal measure together with a nivartana for residence, situated in the
village Lekhapallika included in (the territorial division) Arammi-rajya, has been donated
to Somarya of the Vajasaneya [sdkhd) and the Kaundinya gotra, residing at Kallara.

(Line 29). Again, here at the place of religious worship [for Our well-being) in this
and the other world, at the recitation [of sacred texts), accompanied by (c libation of) sesamum
seeds, on the 9th day in the 7th [fortnight of) the rainy season in the (regnal) year 29^, land
measuring twenty-five nivartanas together with a nivartana for residence, situated in [the village)
Sahgamika in (the territorial division) Arammi-rajya, has been donated to Somarya of
the Vajasaneya (Sakha) and the Kaundinya gotra, residing at Kallara,

(Line 32). Wherefore, Our officers of noble birth, who are employed by the order
of the Sarvddhyaksha (General Superintendent) and who exercise their authority by [Our)
command, [Our) soldiers and policemen should be directed by the following command which
is well-known [to them ) : —

“Be it known to you that in order to increase ( Our) religious merit, power and victory
and to secure [Our) well-being in this world and the next, [the aforementioned land) has been
donated as a gift not previously made, with the pouring out of water at our victorious place
of religious worship.

[For translation of lines 36 to 48, see above, pp.\^-\b and p. 32.)

(Line 48). And the following verses sung by Vyasa should be regarded as authorita-
tive on this point: —

[Here occur two benedictive and imprecatory verses.)

(Line 52). [This charter) has been written by Acharya, a servant of Madhappa, on
the tenth [tithi) of the dark fortnight of the month Vaisakha in the twenty-ninth-

[in figures) 20 [and) 9-year, Madhappa being the Sendpati.

^I.e., by Prithivishena I.

2/.^., at a srdddha.

3 Line 20 contains the word padannarati followed by 20, the meaning of which is not clear to me.
4 Line 3 1 contains another date and the word nijuttanardti followed by 20, the significance of which
is not clear to me.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM
VOL. VI. Plate XIV (Contd.)

PANDHURNA PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II

No. 15: Plate XV

pAtnA museum plate of pravarasena n

T his plate was first brought to notice by Dr. A. S. Altekar, who edited it without
facsimiles in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XIV, pp. 465 f. Its
exact find-spot was long unknown. In his introductory remarks Dr. Altekar stated that
it was found ‘ somewhere in the Central Provinces ’. Dr. K. P. Jayaswal remarked in his
History of India, 150 A.D. to 350 A.D., p. 74, that it came from Jabalpur. Dr. Hiralal thought,
on the other hand, that the present plate belonged to the set of three or four plates found
near Ramtek in Vidarbha, most of which are now missing*. The present plate records
the grant of a village and mentions its boundaries on all sides, but in the absence of definite
information about its provenance none of the places could be satisfactorily identified. After
a good deal of correspondence in 1936, I succeeded in settling the provenance of the plate,
which enabled me to identify the places mentioned in it. I published a note on it in the
Journal of the Jlagpur University, No. II, pp. 48 f I edit it here from an excellent facsimile
of it, which I owe to the courtesy of the late Rai Saheb Manoranjan Ghosh, Curator of the
Patna Museum.

From the information supplied by Dr. P. N. Sen of Narsinghpur it seems that the
plate was discovered in about 1919, while digging the foundation of the bungalow (or one
of its out-houses) of the District Superintendent of Police at Balaghat. Dr. P. N. Sen, who
was then Civil Surgeon at Balaghat, received the present plate from the District Superinten-
dent of Police (whose name he could not recollect), and sent it to his brother Rai Bahadur
Manmath Nath Sen. Dr. Sen does not know what became of the other plates of the set.
Mr. M. N. Sen who was then Sub-divisional Officer at Jamatra, Santal Pargana, presented
it to the Patna Museum through the Superintendent of Archaeological Survey, Central
Circle, Patna. It has since then been deposited in that Museum.

‘The plate measures about 7*25" by 4-2'' at the ends; the length is, however, 1-5" in
the middle. The thickness is -1". It is quite smooth and nicely preserved; hardly a single
letter has been damaged. Its edges are neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims.
Letters are distinct, but not very deep, so that they do not show through on the reverse.

The engraving is good Towards the proper right of the plate, about an inch from the

centre, there is a hole about ■35" in diameter. It was obviously intended for the ring to
pass through, which must have for a long time connected this plate with the remaining ones
of the set. The weight of the plates is 30 tolas'^'.

The cliaracters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets. They resemble
those of the other grants of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II. The only peculiarities that
need be noted here are as follows : — The rare initial ai occurs in aihik-, line 7, and the sub-
script jk in Madhukajjharyya in line 4. The medial i (short) is turned to the right in kutumbino,
line 5; the medial au is bipartite as in Kauridiriya, line 8; d and d are clearly distinguished;
th is shown with a ringlet at the bottom as in Millukadratha-, line 3. The language is Sanskrit
and the extant portion is wholly in prose. As regards orthography, the only peculiarity noticed

U.C.P.B.L, p. 5.

2J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, pp. 465-66.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

is the reduplication of tlie consonant following r as in -mdrgge, line 3. The visarga is incorrectly
omitted in se\'eral places. The upadhmdniya occurs in line 6.

The present plate is probably the third plate of a set of four or five plates. As in other
grants of Pravarasena II, the first two plates must have contained the name of the place of
issue and the genealog}’ of the donor. The record on the present plate commences with the
description of Pravarasena II as the son of Prabhavatigupta and as one who carried the sula
obtained by the favour of (the god) Sambhu. This is the only grant of Pravarasena II
in which he is described in this manner, the usual expression being Sambhdh prasdda-dhriti[ta)-
Kdrtayugasya meaning that he had established the Krita-yuga or the Golden Age on the earth
by the grace of the god Sambhuf The expression in the present plate makes a better sense
and recalls a similar description of the Bharasivas that their royal family was created by the
god Siva, who \vas pleased by their carrying his linga (or emblem such as trisula) on their
shoulders.

The object of the present plate is to record the grant, by the Vakataka Maharaja Prava-
rasena n, of the \ illage Snparnaka to three Brahmanas, viz-, Gahgarya, son of Vedarya,
of the Bharadsaja gotra, Vasurarya of the Kaundinya gotra and Rudrarya of the Taittiriya
sdkhd and Kaundin\'a gotra. The donated village was situated in the mdrga of Sundhati and
lay to the east of Brabmapuraka, to the west of Millukadratha, to the north of bladhii-
kajjhan and to the south of Darbhaviraka. The grant was made in exchange for the
previous gift of the village Manapallika which was situated on the mdrga of Yasapura.
The reason which necessitated this exchange is not stated. As in the Siwani plates^, the
^■^llagc granted is described as sa-pafichdsatka, the meaning of which is uncertain. Fleet
doubtfully suggested that the expression possibly meant ' with fifty hamlets . This does not
appear to be correct. Dr. Altekar thinks that it indicates some fiscal privilege^. Perhaps
it means ‘ together with the sales tax amounting to one-fiftieth of the sale priceh

It is noteworthy that the grant was made by Pravarasena II for the accumulation of
religious merit and for (well-being in) this world and the next of his mother yndtri-bhatt drika) .
This shows that the present plate does not belong to the same set as the Ramtek plateS; for
the latter records a grant made by Pravarasena II lor the increase of his own religious merit,
life, strength and pro.sperity as well as for his well-being in this world and the next. The
extant portion mentions no date.

As for the places mentioned in the present plates, Dr. Altekar thought that Brahma-
puraka was the same village \vhich ^vas gifted by Pravarasena II by his Siwani plates®. He
identified it with Brahmanawada near Achalpur. This identification is not correct; for
Brahmapuraka mentioned in the Siwani plates was situated in the Bennakarparabhoga which,
as we have seen, comprised the territory in the vicinity of the Benna or ^Vainganga^. It
could not have been situated so far in west in the Achalpur tahsil of the Amaravati District. Dr.
Altekar’s identification of Madhukajjhari with the Madhunadi mentioned in the Chammak
plates cannot also be accepted for the same reason. As the plates were discovered at
Balaghah e must search for the places mentioned in them in the vicinity of that town.

iSee, e.g., No. 3, lines 15-16.
2No. 7, line 20.

‘iJ.B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, p. 475.
^Cf. Manusmrili, VII, 130.
SSeeNo. 16, lines 2-3.
GJ.B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, p. 472.
7 Above, p. 29.

Ttirr i

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARLUM
VOL. VI plate XV

PATNA MUSEUM PLATE OF PKAVARASENA II

iii,a

PATNA MUSEUM PLATE OF PRAVARASEXA II

I have been able to identify some of them \vith the help of detailed Survey maps. Brahma-
pnraka is probably Bahmani, about 12 miles north by west of Balaghap It lies on the road
which connects Lalburra with Samnapur. The latter may represent ancient Sundha or
Simdhapura. MacUiukajjhari is probably Alurjhar, about 3 miles south-east of Bahmani,
and Millukadratha, modern IMugardara, 2 miles north by east of Bahmani. Nothing
corresponding to Sriparnaka can be traced in the vicinity of these places, but it was probably
situated between Bahmani and Mugardara. Darbhaviraka cannot now be traced.

It will thus be seen that like the villages named in the Tirodi plates', the \illages
mentioned in the present grant can be traced in the Balaghat District. As shown elsewhere,
the villages mentioned in the Siwani plates can be located in the Bhandara District^. These
identifications show that the country under the direct rule of Pravarasena II comprised the
modern districts of Balaghat and Bhandara and extended to the \vestern boundary of
Dakshina Kosala.

Text3

Third Plate: First Side . s

2 wr d I'hid'h l^f I ( ^ ) dfd

Third Plate: Second Side

7 Bld''H<idlf<4iHr(qT)

8 ( ^ ) ^Fft-

Translation

[ The first two plates of this grant are not forthcoming. \

By the order of the illustrious Pravarasena (II), the Maharaja of the Vakatakas,

born of Prabhavatigupta, who, by the grace of Sambhu, wields a spear,

[There is) a village named Sriparnaka^ in the territorial di\’ision [niarga] of SuncUiati,
[which lies) to the east of Brahmapuraka, to the west of Millukadratha and to the north of
Madhukajjhari and to the south of Darbhaviraka. The householders and residents of the

h\bove, pp. 48 f.

2 Above, p. 29.

3 From ink impressions supplied by the Curator of the Panifi Museum.

‘^The dot in the superscript curve of this akshara is probably due to a fault in the copper.

5 Read as in other cognate grants.

^Perhaps was intended.

7 The expression is incomplete. Read Cf. which occurs in several

cognate plates.

SRead as the drafter has used a compound containing the names of the three donees.

^The anusvdra on this akshara may have been cancelled.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

village should be informed that for the increase of the religious merit and for the well-being,
in this world and the next, of Our Queen-Mother, We have donated [this) village extending
to its boundaries together with the right to levy a tax of one-fiftieth [of the sale price) to [the
Brdhmanas) Gahgarya, son of Vedarya, of the Bharadvaja gotra, Vasurarya of the Kaundinya
gotra^ [and) Rudrarya of the Kaundinya [gotra) and Taittirlya S'dkhd, in exchange for the
previously donated Manapallika in the territorial division [mdrga) of Yasapura.

[The subsequent plates of the grant are not forthcoming.)

No. 16: Plate XVI

RAMTEK PLATE OF PRAVARASENA H

T his plate belongs to a set of about five copper-plates which was discovered a few
years ago by some contractors while digging for manganese at Mansar nearRamtek, about
28 miles from Nagpur. The contractors divided the plates among themselves. After some
of them had left the province, the news of the discovery reached Mr. G. P. Dick, Barrister-
at-Law of Nagpur, who could consequently recover only one of the plates. It was in his
possession until his departure for England. Subsequently, it seems to have been lost. Dr.
Hiralal, to whom impressions and photographs of the plate were sent soon after it was dis-
covered, gave a short account of it in his Inscriptions in C.P. and Berar (second edition), pp. 4-5.
As the plate was unpublished, I requested Dr. Hiralal to send its ink impressions to me.
He complied with my request, but the impressions were lost in transit. He subsequently
sent me its photographs, from which I edited it with facsimiles in the Nagpur University Journal,
No. Ill, pp. 20-21. I edit it here from the same facsimiles.

As shown below, the present plate records a Vakataka grant. A Vakataka copper-
plate inscription generally consists of five plates. Of them, the first two contain the genealogy
of the donor, commencing from his ancestor Pravarasena I. On the third plate are generally
given the particulars about the grant — the occasion on which it was made, the name,
^tra etc. of the donee, the name of the village, its boundaries, etc. The fourth plate
enumerates the conditions of the grant and the immunities allowed to the donee. This is
followed by the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses, the regnal year when the grant
was made and the names of the writer and the Dutaka, which occupy the fifth plate. The
present plate, which contains an enumeration of the immunities, is, therefore, the fourth
or penultimate plate of its set. The photographs sent by Dr. Hiralal measure fi’G" by 3'1*.
About TS" from the proper right end of them there is a round hole, O’S' in diameter, for the
ring which must have originally held the plates together. As the scale of the photographs
is not known, it is not possible to state the exact dimensions of the original plate. Judged by
the photographs which have considerably faded, the plate seems to have been in a good state
of preservation, only two or three letters in the last two lines being slightly damaged by rust.
There are five lines on either side. The fifth line on the first side is somewhat shorter than
the rest as there was no sufficient space for more letters in the lower proper left corner.

The characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets and closely
resemble those of the other grants of Pravarasena II. The only peculiarities worth noticing
are that (i) the medial au, which is generally bipartite in Vakataka records, is shown by
two curves in pautra, line 7, the curve on the right hand being wrongly made to turn to the
left; (ii) the sign for the medial f (long) is a curling curve generally turning to the left (cf.
kshira-, line 4), but in bhunjitah (for bhunjatah) in lines 7-8, it turns to the right; (lii) the signs
for the jihvdmuliya and upadhmanlya occur in lines 4 and 8 respectively. The language is
Sanskrit, and the extant portion is wholly in prose. As will be seen from the transcript given
below, the record has been written very incorrectly and carelessly. Absence of sandhis,
omission of the visarga, the use of n for n and of incorrect grammatical forms like kuryydt and
kdrayitd are some of the glaring mistakes. Similar mistakes are, however, noticed in all
Vakataka grants. The scribe has omitted some words at the end of line 1 and several more
after atm-anugrahdya in line 3 as shown below in the notes to the transcribed text.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

As the first three plates are not forthcoming no\v% all important particulars such as the
names of the donor and the donee, the land or the village granted, its boundaries etc. are lost.
But as the characters of the present plate resemble those of the Patna Museum and other
plates of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II, the present grant also was probably made by
him. The opening words of the extant portion state that it was made for the increase of
religious merit, life, strength and prosperity of the donor. This statement clearly shows that
the present plate could not have belonged to the same set as the Patna Museum plate which
records a gift for the increase of the religious merit of Pravarasena II’s mother. The subse-
quent portion records the usual immunities granted in respect olagrahdra villages. Except for
certain variants, they are identical with those which usually figure in Vakataka copper-
plate inscriptions. The concluding lines convey the royal order that none should cause an
obstacle in the enjoyment of the gift, but that it should by all means be protected and aug-
mented. This was followed by the usual warning, only a part of which appears on the present
plate, that whoever, disobeying the royal order, would cause the slightest hindrance, would
receive condign punishment, if reported against by the Brahmanas. In the absence of
the last plate, it is not possible to state the names of the writer and the Dutaka nor the regnal
year when the grant was made.

The plate does not make any addition to our historical information; for the formal
part of the grant which is preserved on the present plate is common to several other
Vakataka inscriptions.

Text*

Fourth Plate: First Side

Fourth Plate: Second Side

STRFS- ( ^ ^lvl1ril[; *] 5^'fT]TT^qTBt [l*]

*From the facsimiles facing p. 28 in JS'.U.J., No. III.

2 Read as in the Pattan plates (No. 13), line 25.

3 Read Cf. in the Tirodi and Chammak plates.

'*This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

5 Read

6 Some words like gq' ?iw I i-irit' I f^dTr^ <1 ■j) i^H'd I I

are inadvertently omitted here.

8 Read

^Other cognate \’akataka plates generally read but the Pattan plates have the same

reading as here.

lOQther Vakataka plates generally read but the Poona plates of Prabhavatl-

*lThe usual reading is
l2Read ^3=3pr:.

COEPUS INSCEIPTIONUM IXDICAEUM

VOL VI

EAMTEK PLATE OF PEAVAEASENA II

D C Sircri''

PLATE XVI

«EG No 3977 E’36 -tiQS'e^

( from a photograph )

Printed at the Survey of India Offices ip L O

RAMTEK PLATE OF PRA\ ARASEXA II

4?'

9 [i*]

10 'Tfw?TT +i-Mfc=l>KfAl<!TT ^

CN ^

Translation

( The first three plates of the grant are not fiorthconiing.)

(Our Officers of noble birth) who are employed by the order of the Sarvddhyaksha
(General Superintendent) and who exercise their authority by [Our) command, [Our soldiers
and policemen] should be directed by the following order ^vhich is already well-known to
them

( For translation of lines 2 to 10, see above, pp. 14-15. )

[The subsequent plates of the grant are not forthcoming.)

iRead

2Read q PoW f

3The concluding words of this sentence must have been - in other

Vakataka grants.

No. 17: Plate XVII

AN UNFINISHED DURG PLATE

T his plate was discovered at Mohalla, the headquarters of the former Panabaras
Zamindari in the Dnrg District of Madhya Pradesh. An ink impression of it was
sent to the late Dr. Hiralal, but he did not consider it of sufficient importance for
being included in his Inscriptions in C.P. and Berar. I came to know of it in January 1934
from a casual reference in his letter. Later, he sent me an ink impression of it on which
he had fortunately jotted down the name of its owner. In the course of inquiries made by
Mr. B. A. Bambawale, Deputy Commissioner of Durg, it was elicited that the plate was
originally found at Mohalla. It is now deposited in the Central Museum, Nagpur. I edited
it with a facsimile in the Bhdrata Itihdsa Samsbdhaka Maridala Quarterly, Vol. XV k Later, I
re-edited it in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXII, pp. 207 f. The inscription is edited here
from the original plate.

This plate was intended to be the first of a set of three or four copper-plates recording
the charter of a Vakataka king. It is inscribed only on one side. It measures 8" by 3 •75",
and weighs IQg" tolds. It is only 1/20" in thickness and is thus the thinnest of all Vakataka
plates discovered so far. About T9" from the middle of the proper right margin there is
a hole, '35" in diameter, for a ring intended to connect it with other plates of the set. But
no such ring has been discovered so far. The size of the plate and the position of the hole
show that it does not belong to the same set as the Indore plates or the Patna Museum third
plate of Pravarasena II.

The plate contains five lines only. The letters are very neatly cut and do not show
through on the reverse, though the plate is very thin. The ends of the plate are neither
fashioned thicker nor raised into rims ; still the inscription is in a perfect state of preservation.

The characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets. They resemble
in a general way those of the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta. The only peculiarities
that call for notice are as follows: The medial au is bipartite as in other Vakataka grants;
d has a round back and is not clearly distinguished from d', see -shddasy-, line 1 ; m appears in
a transitional cursive form, with the lower box attached to its left arm as in Agnishtom-, line 1 ;
its other form with the box attached to the right vertical, w^hich is generally seen in the
charters of Pravarasena II, does not appear in this record. The two forms appear side by
side in the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta. The form of m used in the present plate
develops ultimately into that found in the charters of the kings of Sarabhapura as well
as in those of Tivaradeva. The final t and m appear in a much reduced size and the latter
has a looped base. The language is Sanskrit and the extant portion is wholly in prose. The
orthography shows the usual reduplication of the consonant preceding jy and of that follow-
ing r; see Bhdgiratthy-, line 4 and Aptbryydm-, line 1.

With the exception of the place of issue, the record is identical, so far as it goes, with
the initial portion of the charters of Pravarasena II and Prithvishena II. It mentions by
name only one king of the dynasty, viz., Pravarasena I. It then refers to his grandson who
was a great devotee of Svami-Mahabhairava, and who was the daughter’s son of Bhavanaga,
the Mahdrdja of (the family of) the Bharasivas. The record on the plate stops just before the

1 The article is included in G. H. Khare’s Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan,Vo\. II, pp. 1 f.

AX UXFrXISHED DURG PLATE

mention of this grandson of Pravarasena I, viz., Riidrasena I. The plate purports to have
been issued from Padmapura.

It seems that the inscription on the present plate was not completed; for the word
drishtam ‘ seen ’ Avhich usually occurs in the beginning of finished charters of the Vakauakas as
a mark of authorization^ is conspicuous by its absence here. There is in fact sufficient space
for three letters in the beginning of the first line, ^vhich shows that the word drishtam was inten-
ded to be incised there after the record ^\■as completed. It may again be noted that the
present plate leaves space sufficient for five letters at the end of the last line. The word
Gautamiputrasya which follows Bhavanaga-dauhitrasya in other \ akataka records could \’cry well
have been written in that space. In fact the engra\'er seems to have begun to incise that
word; for faint traces of the top portion of the first syllable of that word can be noticed on the
plate. That the engraver left so much space at the end shows that he received an order to
stop before he could complete the line. ^Vhether the record was incised on another set of
plates cannot be determined at present.

It is also difficult to determine who intended to issue the present plate. The general
resemblance between the characters of the present plate and those of the grants of Pravarasena
II suggests that it might be that Vakataka king. It may, however, be noted that almost all
the grants of Pravarasena II are issued from either his earlier capital Xandivardhana or
the later one, Pravarapura. If he had intended to issue the present plate, Pravarapura,
not Padmapura, would, in all probability, have been mentioned as the place of issue.
Besides, the palaeographic et'idence detailed above seems to show that the present plate may
be assigned to a later date. Padmapura is not known to have been a holy place ; nor is a word
like vdsakat added to it, showing that it was the site of the donor’s camp. It seems therefore
that Padmapura was the capital of a successor of Pravarasena II who intended to issue
this charter.

It seems that the capital was shifted to Padmapura during the reign of Prat arasena
II’s son Narendrasena. The description in the Balaghat plates that Prithivishena II
raised his sunken family suggests that there was some foreign in\-asion during the reign of
his father Narendrasena when he tvas reduced to great straits. The invasion was probably
by the Nala king Bhavadattavarman, who later occupied the western portion of the Vakataka
dominion and ruled from the erstwhile Vakataka capital Nandivardhana. The \ akataka
king Narendrasena in this emergency appears to have shifted the seat of his got ernment
to Padmapura in the east where he had the support of his loyal feudatories, the rulers of
Mekala and Kosala. Later, Narendrasena’s son Prithivishena II drove the enemy out of his
ancestral dominion and e\ en carried the war into his territory. He appears to have in\ aded
and burnt the Nala capital Pushkari as stated in the P-dagadh stone inscription.

The mention of Padmapura in the present plate is also interesting from another point of
view. The well-known Sanskrit poet Bhavabhuti, who flourished towards the close of the se-
venth century a.c., mentions Padmapura in \fidarbha as his ancestral home. It is not unlikely
that his ancestors tvho were great Mimaihsakas and performed such great Wdic sacrifices as the
Vajapeya were specially invited to their capital Padmapura by the Vakataka kings t\ ho were
patrons of Vedic learning and themselves performed great Vedic sacrifices. After the decline of
the Vakatakas there were no great royal dynasties ruling inMdarbha. Bhavabhuti seems there-

^The only e.xceptions known so far are (i) the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta (No. 8) and
the India Office plate of Devasena (No. 24). It does not occur also in the Balaghat plates of PrithhT-
shena II, but that charter also was unfinished.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

fore to have gone to the north \vhere he found a patron in \ as5varman, the king of Kanaujh
As stated before, Padmapura \vas situated in Vidarbha. The country of \ idarbha
was not confined to what is known now as Berar, but extended considerably to the east of
the Wardha. The Siwani, Indore and Tirodi plates of Pravarasena II sho^v that the country
under the direct rule of that \'akataka king extended to the eastern boundary of the
Bhandara and Balaghat Districts. As a matter of fact, there is now no village named
Padmapura in Western Vidarbha, while there are at least six villages of that name in the
Chanda and Bhandara Districts of Eastern Vidarbha. Of these, Padmapur, 2 miles from
Amgaon, a station on the Nagpur-Calcutta line of the South-Eastern Railway, is probably
the Padmapura of the present plate. The village contains many ancient remains such as
images of Hindu gods like Vishnu, those of Jain Tirthahkaras like Parsvanatha and Risha-
bhadeva, fragments of massive stone pillars and a large lintel measuring 8' x 1 7' x T 6".
There are, besides, remnants of some old temples in a dilapidated condition. One beautifully
carv ed mediaeval image of Siva seems to have been brought over from there and is now
preser\ ed in the Central Museum, Nagpur. No other Padmapur in \*idarbha is reported
to have such ancient relics. I therefore feel no hesitation in concluding that Padmapur
near Amgaon in the Bhandara District was the Vakataka capital and the ancestral
home of Bhavabhutih

TeXt2

d ) cfriH+Td I M d -e-I
SRPl I 4 fijl d Rl 4

<rifci ^1 ri j’ ^ ^

^ TH I i-M I <%:j <| ^ ssftwd

Tr.xnsl.xtiox

From Padmapura —

[For translation of lines 1 to 5, w above, p. 13.;

{The subsequent plates of the grant have not been found.)

1 For further discussion of this matter, see my article ' The Birth-place of Bhavabhuti ’ in
Vol. XI, pp. 287 f. and Studies in Indologr, Vol. I, pp. 21 f.

2 From the original plate.

3 There is a space of ‘7" sufficient for incising three letters before this word.

^There is a space of l-S" left after this word. Faint traces of the top portion of a letter can be seen
on the plate.

CORPUS INSCRIPTION UM INDICARUM

YOL. VI.

Plate XVII.

0 C S»rcar

Reg No 3977 E'36— I,I03’63

Scale; Actual

Printed at the Survey of India Ofpicfs (P L. O }

No. 18: Plate XVII 1

BALAGHAT PLATES OF PRITHIVISHENA II

T hese plaies were found ’ hanging lo a tree in the jungle ’ somewhere in the District of
BalSghat in Madhya Pradesh some time before May 1893. They were sent to the
Asiatic Society of Bengal and were later entrusted to Dr. Kielhorn for being edited. His
article on them together with facsimiles was published posthumously in the Epigraphia Iiidica,
Vol. IX, pp. 267 f. The plates are edited here from the same facsimiles. Their present
whereabouts are not known.

‘ The plates arc five in number, each between 6 ^^" and 64 " long by between 84 " and
4 " high; two of them contain no writing whatever, while of the three others here described
as plates i, ii and iii), the second is engraved on both sides and the first and the third on one
side onlv. Though the plates have no raised rims and arc not fashioned thicker near the edges,
the engrac ing on them is throughout in a perfect slate of preservation. The fi\ e plates are
strung on a ring, which passes through a hole about 1 j" distant from the middle of the proper
right margin of each plate ’. The ring is circular, about j" thick and between 3" and 3 ;"
in diameter. The ends of it are flattened ofl' and joined by a bolt, which had not been cut
when the plates reached Dr. Kielhorn. ‘ On the ring described, there slides a smaller ring,
made of a band of copper, the ends of which are fitslencd by a ri\ ct which also passes through,
and firmly holds, a flat disc of copper about 2:4" in diameter. Undoubtedly this disc was
made to serve as a seal and to bear some writing, but nothing has been engraved on itU

The plates were intended to record a grant of the Vakataka Maharaja Prithivishena
TTj but for some reason the inscription was not completed. The extant portion of it consists
of 35 lines inscribed on four sides of the first three plates. The characters are of the box-
headed variety of the southern alphabets. They I’esemble in a general way those of the
grants of Pra\'arasena II, but are less angular. Ehe only peculiarities that need be noticed
here are as follows: — The rare jh occurs as a subscript letter in Ajjtuta-, line 31 ; <7 and d are
clearly distinguished; v appears in two forms, rectangular as in -vasakad-, line 1 and round as
in vachandt, line 35 ; the jihvdmuliya occurs in line 30 ; the visarga is denoted by two hoo.k-shapetl
lines. The language is Sanskrit, and the text is wholly in prose. -A.s regards orthography,
we may note the use of the \’owel ri for ri as in -pauirinah, line 16, ot a for 7i and vice vrrsa as
in kdrunya-, line 12 and mano-, line 13, and of the guttural and dental nasals for the anuKvara
in vahsa- in lines 8 , 24 etc. and ansa in line 6 .

As stated before, the plates were intended to be issued by the Vakataka Alahdrdja Pri-
thivlshena II. His genealogy up to Pravarasena II occurs as in the latter’s Jamb plates, with
the omission, e\ idently through inadvertence of the writer-, of a long expression in line 10 .
Of Pravarasena H the present grant gives the additional description which is noticed onh-
in his Siwani grant that he followed the path laid down by his predecessors and that by his
good policy,, strength and \alour he exterminated all his enemies. Pracarasena IPs son
was Narendrasena, who is said to have taken away the family’s fortune by means of confidence

^ Ep. Ind,. \ ol. IX, p. 267.

2Jayaswai tried to make much capital out of this mistake and thought that Rudrasena I w as descri-
bed here as a Bharasiva Maharaja as he had succeeded as a Bharasiva dauhitra. See his History of India,
etc., p. 32. He docs not, however, explain why this description occurs only in such a late grant.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MAIN BRANCH

in the excellent qualities pre\ iously acquired by him. ^V’e are further told that his com-
mands were honoured by the lords of K5sala, Mekala and Malava. His son, from the queen
Ajjlutabhattarika, the daughter of the king of Kuntala, was Maharaja Prithivishena

Avho was a devout worshipper of the Bhagavat (Vishnu). The present plates were intended
to be issued by him from his camp at Vembara which is mentioned in the beginning, but of
his order only the w'ord sarvvadhyaksha- was actually written. The unfinished nature of
the present charter is also indicated b\' the absence of the w ord drishtam ‘ seen ’, which almost
invariably occurs as a mark of authorisation in all complete charters of the Vakatakas.

As the inscription ^vas not completed, there is no mention of the regnal date or of the
w riter and the Dutaka.

The place Vembara from \\hich the charter ^vas intended to be issued remained un-
identified for a long time. In m\ article on the Durg plate I suggested its identification with
Bembal, about 28 miles to the cast of Chanda and 2 miles lo the wTst of the Waingahgah

Text2

First Plate

3 fcjEUM4^tr r q -

4 ^ 1 'ffd+'M I ^1 < N ( Jift )

5 'TFT

7 n>i H R^cd^lBcM I Rd-

8 I H I \ pTn’d’tTTfT^-r^'qTW' -

9 I H I ip i.q cqTT-

Second Plate: First Side

10 I d M I t-vrRftr<i| M 1 4-q ( Jsft )

12 4> 1 d fTd M'H 1^1-

13 •■iffarcl SFRf ( ^ h ( ^ ) -

14 ) ?3[i

3 See Ep. Ind., \'ol. XXII, p. 210, n. 6.

2 From facsimiles facing pp. 270 and 271 in ibid. \'ol. IX.

3 There is empty space for three aksharas here. Several other grants of the Vakatakas open with
drisi.am.

'^^This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

3 Read 3f>r-.

®Read

7 Read ^jfrF=«q'flr^-.

^ ^Th ere is a redundant eisarga between ^Tt and rir. Here the %vords iTfRrsrMTWrnr^f^

have been omitted through inadvertence.

9 Read

30 Originally changed to

BALAGHAT PLATES OF PRITHIViSHEXA II

20
21
22

TrjT[f«r] ( Mt ) 'Tf^rf^T'JTFT fTt[: *]

Second Plate: Second Side

‘'^=4 <N M 4 t 1 ^IF’n ( ^ ^

f^: A1 5| <1 ( ^ )

^ \ / o -o

TJT’>TR%ir'^ I A|TH ^ ^ ^TTW-
^r^^(fe)^r%lT>T^ 51TmxMHKKi4(5)-

f?fT:

Third Plate

I H |■f5^^[ftT*]TV^Tf^-4 d T-
^TRT(qt)

^ 1*^ ■feW^r^ter: =ii+i4’^iTr-
J^4WiHNdH^r<Hf^ ( ^ ) 'Tf«rf4’ ( 4t ) T-

Traxslatiox

^From the camp fixed at Vembara-

By the order of the illustrious Prithivlshena (II), the Maharaja ol the V^atakas;
who is a detout worshipper of the Bhagavat ( Vishnu ; ; who has rescued his sunken family; who
is the abode of valour and forgiveness; who was born of the Mahadh'l Ajjhitabhattarika,
the daughter of the lord of Kuntala; who is the son of the illustrious Narendrasena, the
Maharaja of the Vakatakas, who held in check enemies bowed down by his valour; whose
commands were honoured by the lords of Kosala, Mekala, and Malava; who, from confidence
in the excellent qualities previously acquired by him, took away the (royal) fortune of
{his) family; who was the son of the illustrious Pravarasena (II), the Maharaja of the
Vakatakas ....

(For translation of' lines 1 -25, see above, pp. 13-14)

(Line 35). Our [officers of noble birth] appointed by the Sarvadhyaksha i)General
Superintendent) ....

(The subsequent portion oj the grant was nut inscribed. '-

* This and the following expression descriptive of Pravarasena II occur only in the latter's Si want plates.
“There is an incomplete sign of a redundant initial i cngra\ed here.

3 There is a redundant ^ incised here.

“^Read ^ST-.

5 Read iforcfrferRrrt^.

^This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

^Perhaps was intended.

^There is here empty space for three aksharas such as drishfam ^vhich generally occur in the be-
ginning of a completed Vakataka copper-plate inscription.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE FEUDATORIES OF THE

MAIN BRANCH

Xo. 19: Plate XIX

BAMHAM PLATES OF BHARATABALA

T hese plates were discovered at the village Bamhani in the Sohagpur tahsil of the
former Rewa State. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra published first a short note on it in the Bharata-
Kaumudl, Part I, pp. 215 ff. and later edited them with facsimiles and a translation in the
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXVTI, pp. 132 ff. I discussed the historical information furnished
by these plates in an article entitled ‘ The Pandava Dynasty of Alekala published in the
Jndica .Indian Historical Research Institute Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume), pp. 268
f. The plates are edited here from the facsimiles accompanying Dr. Chhabra’s article in the
Epigraphia Indica.

‘ The plates are three in number, each measuring roughly 7|" broad by 4J" high.
They are strung on a copper ring, about I " in thickness, passing through a hole, §" in dia-
meter cut in the centre of each plate near the margin. The ring must originally have been
circular in shape, but in its present condition it is bent and elongated. Its ends are secured
under a comparatively small seal with a diameter of The seal bears no emblem or
legend; if there was any originally, it has now completely disappeared. The inscription
on the plate is in an excellent state of preserv^ation throughout. The first and third plates
are engra\'ed only on one side, while the second bears writing on both the sides. There are
altogether 49 lines of writing, twelve being inscribed on the first face, thirteen on each side of
the second plate, and eleven on the last. All the plates together \vith the ring and the seal
weigh 94 tolas’ A

The characters are of the nail-headed \ arielv of the southern alphabets. They resemble
in some respects those of the Poona plates of Prabhax atigupta, which also are of the same
nail-headed variety, but, unlike the latter, they do not contain any admixture of the
northern letters. The following peculiarities may be noted: — ^The initial i (short) consists
of an indented curve over two dots placed horizontally; see iti, line 3; in medial i (long)
the length is indicated in all places by means of a dot in the cur\’e denoting short i as in
asid-, line 1; the forms of initial e and au which occur in lines 25 and 16 respectively are
noteworthy; j has a slight notch in its top stroke as in Jayabala, line 3. In the case of niy
we notice a box-head instead of a nail-head; see su-vimala-, line 1. The numerical symbol
for 2 is also noteworthy; for it does not consist of two curves placed one above the other,
but has the same form as in modern Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, the record being
partly in prose and partly in \ erse. As regards orthography, we may notice the use of the
anusvdra for final n as in mmaih, line 2; the reduplication of the consonant preceding and
following r as in puttro, sarvva-, line 3 ; the use of the guttural nasal in place of the anusvdra
in vansl, line 41 ; the use of v for b in some places as in -vabhuva, line 8; and the use of n
for the vowel rj in lydkrishya, line 22. There are, besides, several mistakes in the writino-
of the record which have been corrected in the transcript and the foot-notes appended to it.

^Ep. hid., \ol XXVII, p. 132.

BAMHANI PLATES OF BHARATABALA

The inscription is one of Maharaja Bharata or Bharatabala of the Pandava lineage,
who ruled over the country' of Mekala. The object of it is to record the grant of the village

Vardbamanaka situated in the Pancbagarta-visbaya in the Uttara-rasbtra ^Northern
Division) of Mekala to the Brahmana Lohitasarasavmin ofthe Vatsa g'otra and the Madh-
yandina sdkha. The charter was written by Siva the son of the Raliasika Isana, and was
engraved by Mibiraka, the son of the goldsmith Isvara. It is dated in the regnal year 2,
on the thirteenth titbi of the dark fortnight of the montli Bhadrapada, the nakshatra
being Pushya.

The plates give the following genealogy of the donor: —

Jayabala

Vatsaraja tn. Dronabhattarika
Maharaja Nagabala m. Indrabhattarika
Maharaja Bharatabala alias Indra Ldkaprakasa.

The inscription does not mention any royal title in connection with the names of the
first two kings, probabh' because their description is given in \ erse. The next two kings
Nagabala and Bharatabala are first described in a prose passage and later eulogised in one
or more ^•erses. Thev are both styled as Maharaja and described as devout worshippers of
Mahesvara, great patrons ofthe Brahmanas and as Paramagurnderatadhidakatavishesha which
has been taken to mean ' distinguished as a highly venerable personage, a deity and a supreme
divinity'. This last epithet Avhich signifies the divine nature of the kings is not noticed
in the inscriptions of even Gupta and \’akataka kings. A similar epithet, nz-, Paraniadeva-
tadhidaivata occurs, howe\ er, in the Soro and Patiakella plates as shown by Dr. Chhabra.

From \ erse 5 it appears that Bharata or Bharatabala was also known by the name of
Indra. This is also confirmed by his comparison with Indra, the lord of gods, in verses b
and 8. Bharatabala married Lokaprakasa \vho is described as born in a famih- descended
from gods and as a princess of Kosala. Dr. Chhabra’s view that she might be a princess ofthe
Pandava family of Kosala cannot be accepted; for, supposing that there was a Pandawa fomily
lading over Southern Kosala in this period it must have been regarded as sagotra, if not samdtw-
daka, of the family ruling o\ er the country of Mekala. Hindu Dharmasastra docs not allo\s'
marriages between samanodakas and sagotras. Lokaprakasa probabh- belonged to the family
descended from Sura. From the Arahg plates’ dated in the Gupta year 182 (501-02 A.C.j
we learn that this family was ruling in Kosala (Chhattisgadh) for at least fi\ c generations
before Bhimasena I who was reigning at the time. The fn e ancestors were Sura, Dayita
(or Dayitavarman I), Bibhishana, Bhimasena I and Dayitavarman 11. Lokaprakasa,
who married Bharatabala was probably a daughter of Bhimasena I of Dakshina Kosala.

As stated before, this dynasty of Mekala traced its descent from the Pandavas of
epic fame. In verse 1 1 which seems to ha\ e a double meaning, the family is called sauniya,
i.e., descended from Soma or the Moon. The Panda\as of the Mahdhhdrata arc known
to have belonged to the lunar race.

As pointed out by Dr. Chhabra, \’erse 1 1 seems to describe not only the king \narendra)
Bharatabala, but also his suzerain Narendra i.e., the Yak at aka king Narendrasena.- From

^ Ep.Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 312 f. The date of this jrlale is G. 182 not 282 as read b\ the editor.
Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 228.

2 For a similar instance, see the Surat plates of Sre-asraya Siladitya, r\hich describe the Chalukya
Emperor Vinayaditya, the Suzerain of Sryasraya Siladitya.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE FEUDATORIES OF THE MAIN BRANCH

the Balaghat plates we know that the commands of Narendrasena were honoured by the
rulers of K5sala, Mekala and ^Iala\'a. This is usually taken to mean tha^ the rulers
of these countries acknowledged the suzerainty of the Vakataka king. In the Arahg plates
of Bhimasena II we have, however, no indication that any of his predecessors were the feuda-
tories of the Vakatakas. Like these rulers of Kosala, Bharatabala also makes no clear
reference to his o\ erlord, but he may ha\ e co\ ertly alluded to him in the verse in question. ^

Among the officers to Avhom the royal order is addressed are mentioned the Grdmakuta,
Drondgrakandyaka, D~evavdnka and Garidaka. PNcept Grdmakutd, these names are not known to
occur elsewhere. The Grdmakuta was, of course, the head of the village. The Drondgraka-
ndyaka was e\ idently the chief of the Dronagraka which seems to be the same as Dronamukha
mentioned in the Arthasdsira. Kautilya lays down that there should be a Dronamukha in the
midst of four hundred villages.- The Drondgrakandyaka was probably the head of this
principal \ illage. Dr. Chhabra takes D'evavdrika in the sense of ‘ a superintendent of
temples and holy places Perhaps D'evavdrika is a mistake for Dauvdrika, in which case
it mac' mean the same as Prailhdra. The Sukranltisdra mentions the Pratihdra as the head
of the town or \ illage police.^ The Gandaka has been taken in the sense of ‘ a warrior
but may signify the same as bhata or ‘ a soldier These officers and government servants
are concerned with the collection of revenue and the maintenance of peace and order and
ha\ e therefore to be informed of every gift or transfer of landed property.

The localities mentioned in the present grant have already been identified by Dr.
Chhabra. Mekala is the name of the countiy comprising Amarakantak and the surrounding
region. The Narmada, Avhich takes its rise in the Amarakantak hill, is cdlltd Mekala-kanyakd.
Vardhamanaka is, of course, Bamhani where the plates were found. Panchagarta probably
means a valley of fi\ e rivers. It is noteworthy that in the vicinity of Bamhani there are
five rivulets at a short distance from one another, which later on join the Sona. There
is also a village named Pachgaon, about three miles south of Sahdol, which probably
represents the headquarters of the Panchagarta vishaya.

TexU /

First Plate

H q I K (^) ( f^) [ll ?n*] fdl' ^-*1

C l.v*' r < i- <

MfcrarfiT

[i*]

IDr. Chhabra has drawn attention to an analogous instance in the Ghumli plates in which the
Saindhava Chiefs Krishnaraja II and his brother Jaika I refer to their sovereign, the Pratihara Emperor
Ramabhadra, in a covert manner,

^Arthasdstra (second cd. by Shama Sastri), p. 46. Dronamukha is explained by Jain commentators
a 5 a town approachable by a road as well as a ^vater-way.

‘^Sukranltisdra^ II, 120-21; 170-75.

"^From the facsimiles facing pp. 140-41 in Ep. hd,, \ ol. XXVII.

5 Expressed by a symbol.

6 This visarga is superfluous.

7 Metre: Sragdhard-
^Rcad JffT-.

^ Metre : Vasantatilakd,

BAMHANI PLATES OF BHARATABALA

8
9

20
21
22

[l *] ( ^; ) ^JTq-[5r]-

(^) q9fdo4 II [^11*]^^ 9-

wnt^;

Tr(Tr)5|^^l5^kdi (5^^) [l*] 4 1 <1/1 1 JTFT

Second Plate: First Side

3T(?TT)^: WfR9W# ^n‘+<lsil(5‘f?T)^ I|[y||*]

'TWnt^:

Wt; JsftBcTf I 1 ^ I ^ ( B ) ^1o^RI^'<T'<'d[:*]

'i^liillr^/duiifrci^iAii 3f^-A4 d I d d ( R ) f’-dd 1^ [: I *] 5 -
^[:*] Wd^WRlwfR; ^ [ills'll*] ^ ^-

Tf^T^nr^ rfd'dddTi'Jil'jq'^'i*^ '(rd ^4 k^dqxiR-4 fdfqM +!’■«’-

( m ) ’^dWui'trH fd [:*] I ^ "d-

t?TTB^4Td^d# ^ d^t-

df [ 1 1 ^ 1 1 *] ddtW^f<4,rf 4 <r4 ( 5d ) R: mm fer=^(^)^T fd^d(R)T-

df%#d d^WT 5qTft(ir)^d id^'^f^ddl (#;) I dFdd(d)fwtR:(fe)dW d-
9#; ^'tTT^«ft(fd)dBTd'4T5^ ^TTRld^TTR-

9dr;^° [||\3II*] %fddTd; ferfdqfdfd^d:; dRsi^Rfd(dr)Jd;

f4 fd ^d ^>^9 ui ( ^Tfr ) ddR d: ^(f^)dt [ll=;ll*]

Second Plate: Second Side

fd(fd)'dfd‘(^) dO fd d^ { d ) dHPddkd^-

;^ydT^(^) [1*] M^md'JHi'Jitf94i(fdd?) m diddf^^d^) ^ddfd^ d^:-
dt'M^ddl ll[<’s,ll*] ^=s^Fsil (^)d%(#)ddTdd(d)^d9Wr^^-

(dT) x{t\)^-

df^(dft) l'^dTdTd(dT) 9r^(9rt)d^>l4l09<d+^dl Md(9Ttf%)d(d)=^dTdT-
(dT) II ( 1 ) 5r^'44HnT(d)-

dnr ( d ) y rdfdf^d d d l did dt^RTTdT dTdT 7:('Tl')d: 5rMd [d] fdddT-

1 Metre; Upajdti.

2 Read

3 It seems better to construe this adjective with than with as Chhabra does.

^ Metre: AldlinL

^ Metre: Indravajrd.

6Read
7 Read

^Metre: Sdrdulavikridita.

^Chhabra suggests the emendations =#fc 2 :rf ^ for for and for

I would rather keep these words unchanged and suggest fcf^WT for and

for ^F^rf^^T^fTWr. The construction then would be fTF# ^ f^5^t I

^^Metre: Sdrdulavikridita.

Metre: Arjd.

12 The words trs^ are not connected with the following verse. Construe them with
X\WT^ in V. 10.

l^Read The following mark of punctuation is superfluous,

i"! Met re: Mdlitn.

15 This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

16 There is a wrong sandhi here and Dissolve as

follows: — ^FTT m. Thus dissolved, the compound makes the queen’s name

iytWJWRTT significant.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE FEUDATCRIES OF THE MAIN BRANCH

32 =Er^T!T(T)^ll^kdR5f:(T^) [l*]

33 JT^q-(^) T^T: ^RT ^ #rW(R^) ^ =^=5#; T MtBT(RTTj^ ^RWW-

34 fT2T^TO(w) Wf^(fr)W^T^;[l|9 911*] TT;'H'T>«l4(Tr) 'TT[3^]V

35 44TH+' 1^ 11 IB<|^ii'sfrqi314)H N+^44 iR+^fJ^T-

36 TJT^(’^) ^(wf)#T WrrfTTrfTT: ^RRmfT

37 TraT(T;) ^rr? [Tr;'f -HThR+T: 3TW^T3rt^(^:) jafT-

38 fT; 5^ ( ^ ) T5 :%(^)^Na 4’-T 3TrW#to ( % ) -

Third Plate

39 dRTif'THTT TTcf ( ^ ) fT^TTR^T^ 5RTlRfT(¥)t TRWtMWt-

40 ^ ( ^) fTT: (# ) yrdHI^d (Tf )cd=(^iH wl’f^TaTTTt-

41 TTm^TT^rTT^fddoArfilfd [l*] ^TWWTW [l *] t ^dT-

42 ^ TRTT; ‘ '?t7TTT ^TT?:d^>d'dlVrTTI^'4TT =^[l *] T: W ( TT ) ^ { % ) fwtTBT-

43 9 ( TT ) T^tTt T T#" TTfT[; *] R ( ^ ) *] ^f^T^TT TR-

44 fvRTTRTf^vr: [|*]?rFTTiFT 21^ dR T#(^) [ll ^h] Tfe ^W-

45 f^rrf'T =FTR(r) TKfd^Td[:|*]3n^#^=^TTT^d’dT^TT# d#d [ll9^ll*]^T-

46 drrr(m) M7‘drir(TTt) TT(dT) dcTTS’ST Wr(fT)T[l*] Tft(fr) df^+ldl

^ dldT^^4TdqT^[T*] [ll 9YII*]

47 TTT^ ^ 5mR(5R) [l I *] TT^TR I

48 TtdW 5RT^'Jr[l*] fdrfer'^TT TOT TlffT^TO^TW f^ltrl-

49 c#if2^ TORTRTOJT'T fTff7:^(q-)fd II

Translation '6

Success ! Hail !

(\'ersc 1). There w as in the lineage of the Pandavas of extremely spotless glory and
abundant lustre, a king of Mekala, who acquired wide fame and became foremost among
the lords of the earth — who, by his own glorious deeds, has, for all time, become renowmed
in this w orld by the name of Jayabala, a disposer of Fortune, w ho had a charming form
and was adorned with a multitude of excellent qualities.

(V. 2). He had a son, who resembled the lord of Vatsa*" (i.e. Udayana) ; who attained
victories in battles; who was famous, compassionate, endowed with virtues and conversant

t Metre of this and the next verse; Sragdhanl.

2Chhabra ingeniously suggests the reading in place of

3 Read ^nW’t^^TtrfW' as suggested by Chhabra.

^This akshara appears more like ’ij than like However, I have adopted Chhabra’s reading.
3This sign of punctuation is superfluous.

^Perhaps Rcfr^nrl': is intended, though it would look queer in the donor's mouth.

7 Read

SThis visarga is superfluous.

9Read =^r«o^=fvjf;r. This expression should precede 3r^TJ>tiy=i^r(5iT:).
lORead -5^.

It This visarga is superfluous.
l^This visarga also is superfluous.

t3 Metre of this and the following two verses: Anushtubh.
t'^This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
iSThis aniisvara is superfluous.

16 In this I have derived some help from Dr. Chhabi a’s translation of this record.

17 This is according to the proposed emendation Vats'esvara-pratisamb. If the text is to be inter-
preted as it stands, Vatsesvara will be the same as Vatsaraja mentioned in the next verse.

»5Z3
2/

ijW

tS?%,

'jTfSsl*®

>r<)

BAMHANI PLATES OF BHARATABALA

with religious rites; iand) who made the gardens of the houses of his enemies ero\vded with
wild beasts h

(V. 3). There was the king, the illustrious Vatsaraja, who e\as magnanimous; who
extolled the good deeds {of others) : who could differentiate between merits and was obliging
to {his) people, righteous and devoted to good policy.

(Line 8). His son was the illustrious Maharaja Nagabala, born of the illustrious ,^queen)
Dronabhattarika, who meditated on his feet ; who teas a dec'out worshipper of Alahesvara
(Siva) and a great patron of the Brahmanas; who was ^ regarded as) the most ree ered teacher,
a deity and the supreme dic'inity and was possessed of royal fortune.

(V. 4) . As he marched along, the earth, the paths on which were pounded by the hoofs
of (his) horses, obscured the quarters, their farthest regions becoming dry and disturbed by
dust; (but) his elephants, whose temples were soiled with the rutting juice, immediately
restored order to them, making them wet with the spray {of their rut).

(Line 13). Then there is his son the illustrious Maharaja Bharata, born of the illus-
trious queen Indrabhattarika, who meditates on his feet ; who is a devout worshipper of
Mahesvara and a great patron of the Brahmanas ; (and) tvho < is regarded as) the most revered
teacher, a deity and the supreme divinity.

(V. 5). From her who was endowed with the qualities of compassion and good
nature as also with generosity and wisdom, there w'as born the son [known as ) Indra possess-
ed of a spotless and lovely lustre, even as Karttikeya was born from (Parvati) the daughter
of the lord of mountains.

(V. 6). He is (the god) Indra in the destruction (of his enemies) and [the god) Fire
brilliant with lustre; he is amiable and steadfast in his adherence to good behaviour; he
has attained authority and eminence in consequence of the (sacred) mantras recited by the
Brahmanas; his appearance makes good persons happy and leads to attainment, by the
people, of religious merit and prosperity; he is ahvays honoured by good persons with
presents of wealth even as sacrificial fire kindled on the altar is with offerings (of ghee etc.).

(V. 7). He, the powerful one, who has covered all regions with (the dead bodies of)
the multitude of the mighty and roaring enemies whom he has forcibly overthrown even
as an excellent quarter-elephant does with the lofty, thickly grow'ing and lesounding trees
which it uproots. May the Earth, who yields (the three objects of) religious merit, wealth
and enjoyment, produce abundant prosperity due to good government throughout the
entire dominion of this king who thus exerts himself- !

(V. 8). The illustrious king Bharata, the foremost among the lords of the earth,
resembles (Indra) the lord of gods, in valour — (he) who has given shelter to the Fortune
of the multitude of foes slain by him, when she resorted to his arm.

The matchless one -

(V. 9). who is, as it were, the Gahga herself, descended here from the world of gods,
sanctifying the peoples — (she) who has character, bright and spotless like crvstal, which is
purified by restraints and vows even as the Gahga has a pure stream of crystal-like white
and clear water, which flows within its banks, (and) who is endowed with a multitude of
tranquility and other virtues just as the Gahga has its waves of w ater ;

(V. 10). who, (named) LBkaprakasa, has become the best royal consort of the king
Bharatabala, whose fame is (lovely) like the moon-beams ; who, being born in a family of the

1 He made the palaces of his enemies desolate.

- For the construction, see above, p. 85, n. 3.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE FEUDATORIES OF THE MAIN BRANCH

gods, has become highly renowned ; who, by her constant pursuit of {the three purushdrthas of)
religious merit, prosperity and happiness, has dispelled the darkness of ignorance (and) has
become extremely resplendent in the world*, [and) who has attained an eminent status with
her sons and grandsons, who, lion-like princes as they are, are devoted to justice and dis-
cipline.

(Vk 11). That illustrious king-, the sovereign, who is endowed with a multitude of
excellences, who has destroyed his enemies, w hose pair of feet, having the grace of full-
blown lotuses, and rubbed by the heads of several feudatory princes subdued by his perfect
triad of powers, has overcome all regions and whose birth is highly extolled by the people
as being in the famous Lunar race —

(Line 34) [//i?] issues the following order to all residents concerned headed by {the
officials, viz.)^ the Grdmakuta, the Chief oh the Drondgraka, the Devavdrika anAtheGandakasin {the
village) Vardhamanaka in the vishaya of Panchagarta {included) in the Uttara-rashtra
(Northern Division) of Mekala —

(Line 36). “Be it known to you that for the increase of the religious merit of Our
father and mother and of Ourself, ^\'e have donated this ^'illage extending to its four
boundaries, — together with udrahga and uparikara^, together with treasures and deposits,
and (with the privilege that it is) not to be entered by {Our) soldiers and policemen except
for punishing thieves, — to the illustrious Lohitasarasvamin of the Vatsa gotra and the
Madhyandina sdkhd, {to be enjoyed by him and his successors) as long as the moon, the sun, the
earth and the stars will endure.

Knowing this, you should obey his orders and offer him the bhdga and bhoga according
to custom.”

This command has been gixen by Me personally. And those kings also who w'ill be
born in Our family should consent to and maintain this gift. And whosoever will cause
obstruction in {the enjoyment oj ) this grant, will incur {the guilt of) the five great sins.

{Here occur three benedictive and imprecatory verses.)

(Line 47). This charter is concluded. In the year 2 of the increasingly victorious
reign, on the thirteenth {lunar day) of the dark {fortnight) of Bhadrapada, the nakshatra
being Pushya.

This charter has been written by Siva, son of the Rdhasika Isana and engraved by

Mihiraka, son the goldsmith Isvara.

1 There is obviously a pun on her name Lbkaprakdtu.

2 There is a pun on the \worA narendra which means here (i) a king (viz. Bharatabala) and the
Vakataka king Narendrasena. The translation given above is with reference to the first meaning. In
the second, saumyavarnsa wiWhaxe to be taken in the sense of ‘a family of gen tie nature The Vaka takas
w'ere Brahmanas by caste. Hence their family is described here as gentle by nature.

3 For these officials, see abov'e, p. 84.

4 Udranga and uparikara correspond to the bhdga and bhdga mentioned below^ in line 40. Udrahga
w'as probably a land-tax w'hile uparikara signified some miscellaneous taxes in kind such as are mentioned
in the MSM., Ch. VH, vv. 130-32.

Nos. 20-21 : Plates XX and XXI

NACHNE-KI-TALAI STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF VYAGHRADEVA

T hese two inscriptions were discovered by General Cunningham in 1883-84. He
published his reading of the larger of them, together with facsimiles of both, in his
Reports of the Archaeological Survey oj India, Vol. XXI, pp. 97 f. They were next edited
with facsimiles and a translation by Dr. Fleet in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, \ ol. Ill,
pp. 233 f. They are edited here from the same facsimiles.

The inscriptions are on a loose slab which was found lying on the ground outside the
fort of Kuthara near the village Naclme-ki-talai, about seven miles north-west of Jaso, the
chief town of the former Jas5 State, now included in Madhya Pradesh. Inscription No. 20
is incomplete and is engraved on one of the sides of the slab, while inscription No. 21
which is complete is on the face of it. The former inscription was left incomplete probably
because that side of the stone was found too rough. The inscription was therefore commenced
again and finished on what is now the front side of the slab.

The writing of No. 20 covers a space of about T 9f" broad by high; that of No, 21,
about T 9" broad by T 1" high. In the centre of the larger inscription there is the figure
of a wheel which Jayaswal took to be a characteristic symbol of the Vakatakas. The
characters belong to the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets. There has been a
great difference of opinion about the age of these inscriptions, which, as stated below, refer
themselves to the reign of the Vakataka Maharaja Prithivishena. Dr. Fleet did not examine
this question. Perhaps there was no need to do so as there was only one Vakataka king
of the name Prithivishena known when he edited these records. He naturally assigned
them to Prithivishena I, mentioned in the grants of Pravarasena Ilk The Balaghat plates
which were discovered later have brought to notice another king of that name, viZ-,
Prithivishena II, who was the fourth lineal descendant of Prithivishena I. Since then
scholars have been sharply divided on the question of the identity of the Prithi\ ishena
during whose reign the present records were incised. Some of them such as Dr.
Sukthankai2, Dr, JayaswaP and Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri^^ thought that he was the first
king of that name. Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, however, pointed out that the characters
of the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions were later in date than those of the Poona plates of
Prabhavatigupta^. He therefore identified the Prithivishena of these inscriptions with
Prithivishena H of the Balaghat plates. The same opinion has been expressed by Prof.
Jouveau-Dubreuiie and Dr. R. C. Majumdark Recently Dr. D. C. Sircar has reopened the
question by pointing out that ‘ the palaeographical peculiarities of the Nachna and Ganj
inscriptions are undoubtedly earlier than those of even the Basim plates of Vindhyasakti II,
a grandson of Pravarasena P’. He has drawn pointed attention to the triangular form of

iC././., Vol. Ill, p. 233.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 13.

‘^History of India, etc., p. 73.

‘^Political History of Ancient India, p. 541.
^Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 362.

(iind. Ant., Vol. LV, pp. 103 f.
7J.R.A.S.B., Vol. XII, pp. 1 f.
^H.C.I.P., Vol. Ill, p. 179, n. 1.

IXSCRIPTIOXS OF THE FEUDATORIES OF THE MAIX BRANCH

and ihe old forms of t and j occurring in the present inscriptions. He is therefore definitely
of the opinion that these inscriptions belong to the reign of Prithivishena I. In view of this
conflict of opinions it is necessary to examine this question rather closely. Dr. Sircar seems
to think that the triangular form of y went out of use soon after the time of Prithivishena I
and so these records cannot be referred to the reign of Prithivishena II, when the rectangular
form of that letter was in \ oguc. This is not borne out by the inscriptions of the age. As
a matter of fact, the rectangular form of v had come into use e\ en before the time of Prithi-
vishena I. ^Ve notice se\eral instances of it in the Eran stone inscription^ of Samudra-
gupta; see kulavadhuh, line 20, vichintya, line 24 etc. On the other hand, the triangular form
of V did not disappear soon after the age of Prithivishena I ; for we find it used in the Sanchi
inscription^ of Chandragupta II, dated G. 93; see e.g. mahdvihdre, line 1, sarvva-guna-, line
8 etc. Indeed, it continued in use much longer; for while the inscriptions of the Vakatakas
generally use the rectangular v, the Podagadh stone inscription of Skandavarman^ and the
Kesaribeda plates of Arthapati’^ use the triangular form of that letter; see e.g. Bhavadattasya,
line 3, and a-pravtsyam, line 8 in the former, and vihhah, line 1 and dhruva-, line 7 in the
latter. The Xala kings Skandavarman and Arthapati did not flourish earlier than Prithi-
vishena ID. It is noteworthy that all the inscriptions mentioned above arc Incised in box-
headed characters. The triangular form of v is therefore no indisputable evidence which
would compel us to assign the present records to Prithivishena I. The same can be said of
the so-called old forms of ; and t ; for these also occur in the Podagadh Inscription. It is
true that the form of r in the present inscriptions is more angular than that seen in the other
records mentioned above; but angularity is no sure sign of an earlier age. As pointed out
by Kielhorn,*^ the characters of Pra\'arasena II’s grants are more angular than those of the
Balaghat plates of his grandson Prithivishena II. Besides, it is not unlikely that the writer
of the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions \vas influenced by the form of v current in that
localit)-. We must note in this connection that the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions are the
only records in box-headed characters from the Baghelkhand region. The standard form
of characters current in that locality was nail-headed as seen in the Mjhgawam plates^
of Hastin and the Bamhani plates^ of Bharatabala. The writer of the Nachna and Ganj
inscriptions was apparently not quite familiar with the box-headed characters^ though he
wrote the records in them evidently to please the Vakataka overlord. He therefore seems to
have unconsciously imitated the form of v from the nail-headed alphabet wdth which he was
more familiar. ^Ve find an analogous instance in the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta.
The writer of that grant, who probably hailed from North India, was not quite familiar
with box-headed characters which were current in Vidarbha. He commenced to write in
them the legend on the seal, but after writing the first four letters viz. Vdkdtaka, he gave
them up and wrote the remaining legend in nail-headed characters. The triangular form

^C.I.L, Vol. Ill, plate facing, p. 20.

-Ibid., Vol. Ill, plate facing, p. 28.

Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, pp. 153 f.

^Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 12 f.

5 Dr. Sircar thinks that the Xala king Skandavarman was a contemporary of the Early Chalukya
king Kirtivarman I (567-97 .v.c.). See H.C.I.P., Vol. III. p. 189.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 268.

7C'././., \'ol. Ill, pp. 106 ff.

3 No. 19, above.

9. As observed by Sukthankar, the letters of these epigraphs are uncouth in appearance.

NACHNE-KI-TALAI STONE INSCRIPTION (NO 1) OF VYAGHRADEVA

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE XX

o oc

Scftlo: about Throo-sevenths printed at the survey oe India Offices. (P. L. 0.),

NACHNE-Ki-TALAi STONE INSCRIPTION (No. II) OF VYAGHRADEVA

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

PLATE XXI

Sipcar SC8il6I 3»b0llt JClirCG'SGVGlltllS printed at the Survey of India OmcFS, (P L Oi

NACHNE-KI-TALAI STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF VYAGHRADEVA

of V is therefore no sure sign of the early age of these inscriptions^ The forms of j and / also
do not preclude the view' that these records belong to the reign of Pnthivishena II-.

The language is Sanskrit and both the inscriptions are in prose. As regards ortho>
graphy, the only point that need be noticed is the doubling of dh before v in -amiddhyata-
in line 2 of No. 21.

Inscription No. 20, which is incomplete, mentions in the first line the name of the
Vakataka Maharaja Prithivishena. The name of his feudatory Vyaghra is incompletely
incised in line 2. No. 21 mentions the names of both and records that Vyaghradeva made
something, perhaps a temple, a tvell or a tank, for the religious merit of his father and mother.
The record is not dated, but since it belongs to the reign of Prithivishena II as shown above,
it may be referred to the period 470 to 490 A.C. Vyaghradeva of the present inscriptions
is probably identical tvith the king Vyaghra of the Uchchhakalpa dynastv who was ruling
over the region in the same period. The latter’s son Jayanatha was ruling in G. 174 and
G. 1773 . His reign may therefore ha\ e extended from G. 170 to G. 190. Vyaghra, his
father, was therefore probably ruling from circa G. 150 to G. 170 i.e. from 470 A.C. to 490
A.C. He was thus a contemporary of the Vakataka king Prithivishena H.

TexH

No. 20

1 TTWTrqT(Tt)

2 * * * [^][5r?]

No. 21

2 ( ft ) TTTT^d^'^TdT

Transl.vtiox3

Vyaghradeva, who meditates on the feet of the illustrious Prithivishena the
Maharaja of the Vakatokas, has made (thisi for the religious merit of ihis) mother and father.

IThis form of v occurs throughout in the BamhanI plates of Narendrasena’s feudatory Bharatabala.

2 For the examination of other arguments advanced in support of the view' that these inscriptions
belong to the reign of Prithivishena I, see Introduction, pp. xii f., above.

3C././., Vol. Ill, pp. 117 and 121. The dates of the Uchchakalpa kings are recorded in the
Gupta, not the Kalachuri, era as shown by me in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIII, pp. 171 f.

■^From the facsimiles facing page 234 in Fleets \ ol. III.

5 This akshara was at first omitted and then written below the line.

6 This akshara was at first omitted and subsequently written below' the line.

7 Read

8 This is a translation of No. 21. No. 20 is fragmentary and mentions only Vyaghra and the
illustrious Prithivishena (II), the Alahdraja of the Vakatakas.

Xo. 22: Plate XXII

GANJ STONE INSCRIPTION OF VYAGHRADEVA

T his inscription was discovered by Air. R. D. Banerji in 1919. It was edited for the
first time with a facsimile and a translation by Dr. V. S. Sukthankar in the Epigraphia
Indica, \ ol. XVII, pp. 12 fl. It is edited here from the same facsimile.

The inscription is engras ed on a detached slab of stone which Mr. Banerji found lying
at the bottom of a donga, adjoining a hill called Alaluha-tongi near Ganj in the former
Ajayagadh state, now included in Aladhya Pradesh. Close by is a ruined stone structure,
probably a dam to hold the waters of the stream passing along the donga. The findspot
of the present inscription is not far removed from the ruined city of Kuthara where the
Viachne-ki-talai inscriptions were discovered b

The present inscription is much better preserved than the preceding two records of
the same king. The writing covers a space 2' 1" by T. As in the Nachne-ki-talai
inscriptions, there is in the centre of the first line the figure of awheel. The characters
are of the bo.x-headed variety of the southern alphabets, resembling closely those of the
preceding two records. As observed b> Sukthankar, they are unequal in size and uncouth
in appearance. The language is Sanskrit and the whole record is in prose. The ortho-
S***P^y shows the same peculiarities as in the two preceding inscriptions.

„ . ,7^!^ inscription is of Vyaghradeva,tvho meditated on the feet o^t\itySkSip^^ssLMahdrdja
Prithivishena. He^ w as evidently a feudatory of the latter. The object of the inscription
IS to record that Vyaghradeva did something, perhaps a dam to stem the waters of a stream
for the re ,g,ous merit of his parents. ..\s shown before, th,s Vyaghra was probably identical
widtUte homonymous prince of the Uchchakalpa dynasty who flourished in cina 470-90
A.C.- His suzeiain was therefore probably the Vakataka king Prithivishena II.

Text^

(Tt) B^Ki^rfq-y/sqt)-

^ Rid I Pm fdfdPd " [l*]

Translation

"’'■ditates on the feet of the illnstrious PrithivisMna (n), the
Maharaja of the Vakataka., has made iJhis) for the religious merit of his mo, he; and ftther"

^ Ep. Ind., Vol. XVH, p. 12.

^Sukthankar referred the record to the seventh centurv vc
'‘From the facsimile facing page 12 in Ep. Ind., \^ol. XVII
^The superscript z is not clear.

5 Read frRrftftr.

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE VATSAGULMA BRANCH

No. 23; Plate XXIII

BASIM PLATES OF VINDHYASAKTI H

T hese plates were discovered by Pandit Vasudev iSastri Dhanagare at Basim, the
headquarters of the Basim tahsil of the Akola District in Vidarbha. There were first publi-
shed with facsimiles by Dr. Y. K. Deshpande and D. B. Mahajan in the Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress, Third Session, pp. 459 f They were re-edited with fresh facsimiles
by Mr. D. B. Mahajan and myself in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXVI, pp. 137 f. They
are edited here from the same facsimiles. The plates are in the possession of Mr. Dhanagare
at Basim.

The copper-plates are four in number, each measuring 6’1" broad and 3‘4" high. The
first and fourth plates are inscribed on one side only, and the other two on both the sides.
Their ends are neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims ; still the inscription is in a good
state of preservation. About 1 •2" from the middle of the proper right edge of each plate,
there is a round hole, *25" in diameter for the ring which holds the plates together. The
ring, however, has no seal. The total weight of the plates together with the ring is 47^
tolas. The inscription contains thirty lines of writing, which are equally divi ded on the six
inscribed sides of the four plates.

The characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets, resembling
those of the grants of Pravarasena II. The only peculiarities that need be noticed here are
as follows: — The medial au is bipartite as in -pautrasya, line 3; kh is in some cases without a
loop, cf rakkhadha, line 25; t and n are not distinguished in many places, both being denoted
by the same form; see -vvachanat, line 5, hernanta, line 28 and anuniannati, line 26; the lingual
n has an identical form whether it is used as a subscript or a superscript letter, as in a-hiranna-
dhdnna, line 20. Numerical symbols for 30, 7 and 4 occur in lines 28 and 29 of the text,
those for 1 to 4 on the first inscribed side of the respective plates. Of these the symbol
for 4 in line 29 is noteworthy; for it consists of the sign for ka with an additional curve,
not at the top as usual, but at the right side of its horizontal bar. In the margin of the same
plate, the symbol is exactly like ka. A final consonant is indicated by its short form without
a box at the head; see -vvachanat, line 5. Finally, a crescent-like curve is used here and there
as a mark of punctuation, which is redundant in most cases. The language of the inscription
is partly Sanskrit and partly Prakrit. The genealogical portion of the grant in lines 1-5
is in Sanskrit, the formal portion which follows is in Prakrit, but like the Hirahadgalli
plates, the present inscription closes with a benedictory sentence in Sanskrit. It is note-
worthy that as in early Prakrit inscriptions of the Pallavas and Brihatphala'y anas, there are
no benedictive or imprecatory verses at the end. The Sanskrit portion calls for no special
notice except that the gltra of the Vakatakas which is usually given as Vishnuvriddha appears
here in the form Vrishnivriddha. The former is evidently the correct form ; for it is the only
form of the ^tra given by the standard works on the gotras and pravaras. The Prakrit por-
tion of the inscription deserves careful study; for this is one of the few copper-plate grants
from south India which contain a detailed portion in Prakrit. Even in this portion, however,
the language is influenced by Sanskrit; see, e.g. the Sanskrit expressions svasti-sdnti-
vdchane, lines 8-9; sa-tnancha-mahdkararia, line 24 etc., which are inserted in the midst of

IXSCRIPTIOXS OF THE VATSAGULMA BRAXCH

Prakrit sentences. The present grant has many technical expressions mentioning exemptions
granted to the donees which are common to the grants of Pallava Sivaskandavarman, but
unlike the latter, the present inscription shows several instances of double consonants, though
cases of single consonants doing duty for double ones are by no means rare; see e.g.
Chdtuvejja-ggdma-majjdtd, line 19 and contrast Revatijesi, line 18 etc. In some respects the
language of the present record does not strictly conform to the rules of Prakrit grammarians;
see e.g. tinnd in line 17 instead of tinni laid down by Vararuchi, VI, 56. Other noteworthy
forms are se in line 19 in the sense ot' tasya,j’a in lines 7, 19, 25 and 26 meaning cha, and the
euphonic nasal elthan-gdme in line 9. As for the dialect used, it is, as might be expected,
the Maharashtri, see, e.g., dpuno (for the regular appano^) in line 8, but it is curious to note that
this record found in the heart of Maharashtra exhibits some peculiarities which are usually
ascribed to the Satiraseni; see, e.g., the softening of th into dh in Adhivvanika, line 9, and the
verbal forms rakkhadha, rakkhdpedha, pariharadha and parihardpedha- in lines 25 and 26
and dd^ii"^ in line 8. On the other hand, we have the hardening of d into t in majjdtd, line
19 as in the Paisachi. These forms show that the peculiarities of the several dialects were not
strictly confined to the provinces after which they were named.

EspecialK' noteworthy are the forms in si (or sitii) used in the sense of the dative, e.g.,
Jivujjesith ^Sanskrit, Jlvdrydya), Ruddajesi (Sanskrit, Rudrdrydya) etc. in lines 10-18. Accord-
ing to grammarians^, the dati\e case has disappeared from the Prakrits, its place being
taken by the genitive. The geniti\e singular of nouns in a usually ends in ssa (written as
sa in very earh records) and this is the form which is invariably found in other Prakrit in-
scriptions. The form in si i^or, sirii) which is found throughout in the present inscription has
survived in old Marathi works like the Lildcharitra and the Jndnehiari. It is the parent
of the Alarathi dative affix sa.

The only orthographical peculiarities that call for notice are the reduplication of a
consonant after r fas in Dharmrna-, line 1) and anusvdra (as in sd\rh\vvachchhararh, line 28),
the use ot j for y as in karejja, line 26 and the use of the class- nasal in place of anusvdra in
Sanskrit and Prakrit words; sec e.g. Vindhyasakler-, line 5 and a-chammangdlika, line 22.

Like other finished Vakataka grants, the present inscription opens with the word
drishtam ‘ seen ’, the auspicious word siddliam being written in the margin of the first plate as
in the Hirahadgalli plates of Si\ askandavarman. The inscription refers itself to the reign
of the Vakatoka king, the Dharmamahdrdja Vindhyasakti. The object of it is to register the
grant, by \ indhyasakti, of the village Akasapadda^ tvhich was situated near Takalakkhop-
paka in th^northern mdrga (Subdivision) of Nandikada. The donees were certain Brahma-
nas of the Atharvana charana or the Atharx tueda. It may be noted that a Brahmana of this
Veda is mentioned as the donee in the Tirodi plates of Pravarasena II also. The names of
the donees ended in drya as in some other grants of the Vakatakas. The land or the
revenue of the xlllage was divided into four parts, of which three were assigned to eight
Brahmanas and the remaining one to one Brahmana. The shares of the former.

1 Vararuchi, 45. In Sauraseni the form would be attano
'^Ibid., XII, 3.

3Hemachandra lays down darim in\ III, 4, 277, but says that the final anusvara is optionally
dropped (VIII, 1, 29).

^Vararuchi, VI, 64.

5 The name of the village is given in the plural as Valurakmi in inscription No. 13 at Karle. Ep.
Ind,^ \'ol. VIIj p. 57.

BASLM PLATES OF VINDHYASAKTI II

again, were not equal; four of them received only half a shared and the remaining four, two
shares each.

The plates are dated in the thirty-seventh year ;expressed in numerical symbols)

evidently of the reign of the donor Vindhyasakti, on the 4th day of the first fortnight of
Hemanta. The date is noteworthy; for it is one of the two season dates occurring in the
grants of the Vakatakas. The grant was written by the Senapati Vanhu (\'ishnu) and was

issued from Vatsagulma.

The inscription gives the following genealogy of the donor Yindhyasakti: — Pravarasena,
his son Sarvasena and the latter son Vindhyasakti. In connection with Vindhyasakti the
inscription purports to state that he had performed the Agnishtoma, Aptoryama, Vajapeya,
Jyotishtoma, Brihaspatisava Sadyaskra and four Asvamedhas, and that he was a Hdritlputra
(a son, i.e., a descendant of HaritI) and Dharmamahdrdja. These two latter epithets are found
applied to a Vakataka king in this grant only. They seem to have been adopted from
the grants of the Kadambas. As only one Vindhyasakti was known before the discovery
of the present plates viz-, he who is mentioned in the Puranas and in the inscription in Cave
XVI at Ajanta, it was at first naturally supposed that the donor of the plates was identical
with the celebrated founder of the Vakataka dynasty. The present inscription was therefore
supposed to carry the genealogy of the Vakatakas two generations before Vindhyasakti.
It has since been pointed out that the genealogical portion of the present grant is faulty in
construction; for it seems to repeat the epithet Dharmamahdrdja three times in connection
with Vindhyasakti. Besides, it credits Vindhyasakti with the performance of almost the
same number of identical sacrifices as those mentioned in connection with Pravarasena I
in all other Vakataka grants^. It seems therefore that the expressions hl-Pravarasena-pautrasya
in line 3 and sri-Sarvasena-putrasya in line 4 are to be taken as hi-Pravarasenasya pautrasya
and sri-Sarvasenasya putrasya, so that the preceding adjectival expressions in the genitive case
including the epithet Dharmamahdrdjasya would agree with hi-Pravarasenasya and hi-Sarvasenasya
respectively. According to this construction, all the three kings, Pravarsena,
Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti, would receive the epithet Dharmamahdrdja, and there ivould

thus be no tautology. Besides, the expression Agnishtdm-Aptdryydma chatur-Ahoamedha-

ydjinah and Samrdja[h] would now qualify Sri-Pravarasenasya, showing that it was Pravarasena,
and not Vindhyasakti, who performed these sacrifices and assumed the title Samrdt. This is
quite in keeping with the statement in other Vakataka grants. Pravarasena who heads the
genealogical list in the present plates would thus be Pravarasena I who, according to the
Puranas, was the son of Vindhyasakti. The Vakataka king who granted the present plates
should therefore be called Vindhyasakti II. He thus becomes the great-grandson of
Vindhvasakti I. The genealogy in the present plates would therefore be as follows —

Pravarasena I

(son)

Sarvasena

- son)

Vindhyasakti II

Tins would therefore be a different branch of the \"aka_taka family; for according
to the genealogy in several inscriptions of Pra\ arasena II and Prithivishena II, PravarasBia I

1 The text has dddhaka in line 10 which probably means ‘ a half’. Cf. amsik-addha in line 21 of the
Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman. Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 317.

2 See D. C. Sircar’s note on the present plates in Ind. Hist. Qiiart., 5'ol. X\T, pp. 182 f.

Ix\SCRIPTIOXS OF THE VATSAGULMA BRANCH

was succeeded by his grandson Rudrasena I, the son of Gautamiputra, who probably did
not come to the throne.

These princes were also mentioned in the inscription in Cav'e XVI at Ajanta, but
owing to the mutilated condition of it their names were differently read by Dr. Bhau Daji,
Pandit Bhagvanlal and Dr. BUhler, who edited it from time to time. The correct readings
have since been restored*.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Vatsagulma, which was evidently
the capital of this branch, is undoubtedly modern Basim where the plates were discovered.
The place-name is variously derived. The Jayamangald, a commentary on the Kdmasutra,
states that Vatsa and Gulma were two uterine brothers and princes of Dakshinapatha^. The
country settled by them came to be known as Vatsagulmaka. The local Mdhdtmya gives
an altogether different derivation. It states that Vatsa was a sage who by his very severe
austerities made an assemblage (gulma) of gods come down and settle in the vicinity of his
hermitage. Both these deri\ations are evidently conjectural. The Vatsagulmaka country
is mentioned in the A dmasutra of Vatsyayana which describes some peculiar customs current
there. \ atsagulma is also mentioned by Rajasekhara in his works Karpuramanjari and
A dvjamimdths d. Nandikada, which was apparently the headquarters of a district^, is probably
identical with Nanded the chief town of a district of the same name in the Maharashtra
State. Takalakkhoppaka and the donated village Akasapadda which was situated near it
cannot be definitely identified. From the description in line 6 we learn that they lay in the
northern subdi\'ision of Nandikada. Now, on the road which connects Nanded with
Basim, which lies about 75 miles to the north of it, there are two villages Takaligohan and
Takali, about 40 and 45 miles respectiv^ely from Nanded. One of these may represent
ancient Takalakkkoppaka. About 7 miles to the west of Takaligohan there is still a small
village named Asund which is possibly identical with AkSsapsidda.. The identification
of Nandikada w ith Nanded which is almost certain show’s that Vindhyasakti II was ruling
over southern Berar and the northern part of the former Hyderabad State.

Text”!^

First Plate

feR" [l*] [l*]

1 See the revised edition of it in the Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 14. See also inscrip-
tion No. 25, below. ^

2Kdmasdtra (Nirnayasagar ed.), p. 295. The Brikatkathd also probably mentioned Vatsa and Gulma
as the sons of a Brahmana and the maternal uncles of Gunadhya. It does not, however, state that they
founded a city named Vatsagulma. See Brihatkathamanjari, I, 3, 4, and Kathdsaritsdgara 16 9

3 Similar names in kata (e.g. Bhojakata, Bennakata) occur in other grants of the VaWtakas as
names of districts.

'*From the facsimiles facing pages 152 and 153 in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVI.

5 This word is written in the margin on a level ^v■ith line 3.

Other Vakataka plates name this g~otra as Vishmvriddha. See No. 3, line 2.

7 Read

8 Read

9 Opposite this line in the margin there is a sign for 1 denoting the number of the olate

*8 This mark of punctuation is superfluous. "

l*The engraver first incised dd which he afterwards altered to u.

CORPUS IXSCRIPTIOXUM IXDICARUM

VOL, VI

PLATE XXIII

BASIM PLATES OF VIXDHYxlSAKTI II

il,a

0. C. Sircar

Scale: Three-fourths

Printed AT THE Survey OF INDIA Offices tP L O t

Reg No. 3977 E’36-n03»61.

BASIM PLATES OF VINDHYASAKTI 11

Second Plate: First Side

6 sFpRTW ^o^iA(>ifyr-

7 3rrn1%' ^ I’-d ^ r 'HTf^n^T«Tr [i*]

9 i^\ 3TTf^o-=rfq^^-

10 an^l® ^rfq^^-

Second Plate: Second Side

11 I I I

12 I ^3R% I I I

13 I I i fq^-

Third Plate: First Side

16 1 i 1%q^i% i

17 S|F^'J1|ui12 -j^ ^

18 I >ii'*il \ ■qvdcqtfri aiN’-';lf<'°-44>if^'=hl ai^o^-

19 ^ I 55qTPTFrq% ^ mR^k f^-

20 TR 1^^ ^ 3Rg-#iqarf^qr 1 | srf^UTqrnJT-

^ Anatti (Sanskrit, Ajnapti) is the same as Dutaka who was to see to the execution of the royal

order.

2Cf. 3rnfl€^'^rf< in the Sanskrit grants; see above, No. 3, line 21.

3 In the margin to the left there is a sign for 2, denoting the number of this plate.

^Hemachandra (VIII, 1, 29; IV, 277) gives both ddni and ddnim in theSauraseni. Ddni occurs
in the Hirahadgalli plates also. E/?. Ind,^ Vol. I, p. 5.

5 Prakrit grammarians give appano as the correct form in the Maharashtri; see Vararuchi, V, 46
(Bhamaha’s com.) ; Hemachandra, VIII, 3, 56.

^ Hultzsch takes similar expressions which occur in lines 5-6 of the Mayidavolu plates as Magadhi
nominatives. It is better to take them as locative singular forms, denoting purpose. In the Hiraha-
dagalli and British Museum plates the gerund kdturia or kdtunain follows -vaddhaniyam or vaddhanlje,

7 Such an expression does not occur in the Sanskrit charters of the Vakatakas.

^The softening of th into dh is characteristic of the Saurasenl. See also rakkhadha^ rakkhdpedha,
pariharedhay and parihardpedha in lines 25-26, below.

^The signs of punctuations in lines 10-18 are superfluous.

l^The anusvdra on si is very faint, but it is there.

The gotra Sravishtha or Sravishthayana is not montdoncd in tht Gotrapravaranibandhakadambaj
but the Sangoli grant of the Kadamba king Harivarman {Ep, Ind,y Vol. XIV, p. 167) names some
Brahmanas of the Sravishtha gotra and it is noteworthy that like the donees of the present grant, they all
belonged to the Atharvaveda.

12 The Hirahadagalli plates have, in line 27, etesi bamhandnarn.

l^The correct form is timi in all genders. See Vararuchi^ IV, 56.

l^In the margin on the left, on a level with this line, there is a sign for 3, denoting the number of
this plate.

l^This is genitive singular of tad\ ibid.y VI, 11.

l^This form of the word (with the hardening of d into t) occurs in line 45 of the Hirahadagalli
plates. According to Prakrit grammarians this is a characteristic of the Paisachi dialect.

17 The marks of punctuation in lines 20-27 are superfluous,

18 This seems to correspond to kinva in the Sanskrit charters of the Vakatakas. See e.g. No. 2
line 17.

LNSCRIPTIOXS OF THE VATSAGULMA BRANCH

Translation

Success ! Seen. From Vatsagulma-

By the order of the Dhannamahdrdja, the illustrious Vindhyasakti (II) of the Vakatakas,
{who is) the son of the Dhannamahdrdja, the illustrious Sarvasena {and) grandson of the
Dhannamahdrdja, the illustrious Pravarasena (I), the Samrdt, and the son {i.e.. descendant) of
Hariti'2, {who was) of the Vrishnivriddha gotra and who performed Agnishtoma, Aptoryama,
Vajapeya, Jyotishtoma*^, Brihaspatisava, Sadyaskra and four Asvamedhas: —

The Ajnapti'^^ and soldiers who are employed by us in all departments^^as well as other
{touring officials) of noble birth in {the village) Akasapadda, which is situated near Takalakk-
koppaka in the northern division (indrga) of Nandikada, should be caused to be addressed
{a.f follows)

1 The curve on na seems to liavc been cancelled.

2 The engraver at first incised da which he later changed to cha.

3 This corresponds to sa-klipt-dpaklipia in the Sanskrit charters of the Vakatakas. See e.g. No. 3,
line 28.

41 am indebted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra for the reading of this e.xpression.

5 The letter after rna has been cancelled.

^Rcad iassa.

parikupite/ii veditassa. Cf. No. 3, line 31.

8 In the margin on the left, almost on a level ivith this line, there is a symbol for 4, denoting the
number of the plate.

‘’The last three aksitaras of this \vord are incised over others which have been cancelled.

■ORcad VanhunTt.

It There is an ornamental symbol between these two sets of dandas.

12 The epithet Harifiputra occurs in the inscriptions of the Kadambas and the Early Chalukyas.
See e.g. the Talagunda inscription of Kakusthavarman {Ep. Ind., Vol. VUI, p. 31) and the Mahakuta
inscription of Mahgalesa {Ind. Ant., \bl. XIX, p. 16). In later records Harlti (or Hariti-panchasikha)
is represented as a sage. In that case Hdrltiputra may mean a disciple of Hariti. Cf. Sakya-putra
meaning a Buddhist.

13 This record mentions Jybtishtoma in place of Ukthya, Shodasinand Atiratra, which are mentioned
in other Vakataka records among the sacrifices performed by Pravarasena I.

^^’Anaiti (Sanskrit, Ajnapti) is mentioned at the close of copper-plate charters and corresponds to
the Dutaka mentioned similarly in some charters. He was entrusted with the execution of royal orders.

15 The usual expression in Vakataka grants is meaning ‘who are

employed by the order of the General Superintendent ’.

Third Plate: Second Side

I I I i inkfurfr i

I ^ I ==) 'Ji I fa 1 I ^-4 [l*]

Fourth Plate

^ [l*] ^ T 3TTTO

I I WT^Fffl I

[R] T [^] V RferRiR

iRt II RrfeTTT II - ii"

BASIM PLATES OF VLXDHYASAKTI II

(Lines 7-10). For the increase of [Our) life and power, for invoking blessings and peace
(^for Lis), and for Our well-being in this world and the next, AVe have now granted, in our
victorious place of religious worship!, village to {the following members of) the Atharvanika
charanaP- in this village as a new gift which is to be enjoyed as long as the moon and the sun
will endure, [in the following proportion) , vi~., three parts — {in figures) 3— of it to these {following)
Brahmanas — half a share being gi\'en to Jivujja (Jivarya) of the Bhalandayana gotra, to
Ruddajja (Rudrarya) of the Kapihjala gotra, to Bhattidevajja (Bhartridev'arya) of the
Shravishthayana gotra, to Deaja (Devarya) of the Kausika gotra, to Venhujja (Vishnvarya)
of the Kausika gotra, to Vidhijja (Vidhyarya) of the Kausika gotra, to Pituja (Pitrarya) of
the Paippaladi gotra, to Chandaja (Chandrarya) of the Bhalandayana gotra {and) to Jetthaja
(JyeshAarya) of the Kausika gotra; {and) two shares being given to Buddhaja (Buddh-
arya) of the Bhalandayana gotra, to Bhaddilajja (Bhadrilarya) of the Kausika gotra, to
Sivajja (Sivarya) of the Kausika gotra, (and) to Harinnaja (Hiranyarya) of the Kausika
gotra — and the fourth part, {in figure) 1, to Revatijja (Revatyarya) of the Kausika gotra.

(Lines 19-21). And We grant the following exemptions from restrictions for it, such as
are incidental to a village granted to the Brahmanas proficient in the four Vedas, as approved
by former kings, viz-, it is to be exempt from {the entrance of ) the District Police^; to be exempt
from the digging of salt and fermentation of liquor; it is to be exempt from {the obligation to
make) presents of grain and gold'!; it does not entitle {the State) to {the royalties on) flowers
and milk^; and to the customary cows and bullocks®; it is not to provide pasture, hides and
charcoal ; it is not to be entered by soldiers ; it is not to provide cots, water-pots^ and ser-
vants {to touring royal officers) ; it is exempt from taxes ; it is not to provide draught cattle ; it
carries with it the right to treasures and deposits, to major and minor taxes, and to platforms
and large fields®; and it is to be exempted with immunities of all kinds.

(Lines 24-30) . Wherefore, you should protect it, cause it to be protected, exempt it
and cause it to be exempted, regarding this charter as authoritative.

1 Vijaya-vejayike seems to be misplaced. In \'akfqaka charters it qualifies Dharmasthdru when
the grant was made at the capital.

2 he. of the Atharvaveda.

3 This is how Senart translates the expression a-raUha-sarnvinayika. D. C. Sircar proposes to translate
it by ‘ not to be controlled as other parts of the kingdom ’. See S.I., Vol. I, p. 410, n. 1.

^Pranaya means the customary present or nazarand paid to the king. Cf. pramya-kriyd in the
Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman. Ep. Ind., \"ol. VIII, p. 175.

5These were taxes in kind paid to the state. See MSM., Ch. VH, v.

6The expression a-parampara-go-balivardda corresponds to a-pdrampara-balivadda-gahanam of the
Hirahadagalli plates and a-parampard-bali[vadam] of the Mayidavolu plates. These latter expressions
have been taken to denote ‘ exemption from the obligation of furnishing by turns draught cattle for the
progress of royal officers ^ . In former times it was considered to be the duty of villagers to supply means
of transport for the touring of royal officers. Sometimes a small tax, called praydna-danda, ivas levied
for the purpose. See rdja-sevakdndrh vasati-dancla-praydna-dandau na stall in the Paithan plates of Rama-
chandra. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 318. But the use of the word go in addition to balivarda in Vakataka
grants rather indicates that the village people w^ere exempted from the obligation of giving to the
State the first calf— male or female— of every cow in the village. Besides, exemption from supplying
the means of conveyance has already been mentioned as avaha in line 23, above.

tChollaka is plainly identical with cholaka in the Mayidavolu plates andyoUaka in the Hirahadagalli
plates. Hultzsch derives chollaka from chulldki, a water-pot. Venesika corresponds to tin dsi in the
Mayidavolu and tinesi in the Hiarahadagalli plates. It is probably derived from vaindsika ivhich the
dictionaries give in the sense of* a slave, a dependent or a subject . The obligation to piovidc sei\ants
for touring officers is perhaps meant here.

® Dictionaries give karana in the sense of * a field ’.

100

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE VATSAGULMA BRANCH

Whoever will cause trouble or approve of it when caused, upon him, when complained
against by the aforementioned Brahmanas we will inflict punishment together with a fine.

(Line 28-30). In the year 30 {and) 7, in the first fortnight of winter, on tlie day 4.
This order, given by Us personal!)', has been Avritten by the Senapati Vishnu. May
there be success !

No. 24; Plate XXIV

INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF DEVASENA

T his plate ^\as in the possession of the India OfiElcey London, but it is not known how or
when it went there. Its original find-spot is not known. It was edited with a facsimile
by Dr. H. N. Randle in the New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, pp. 1 77 f Later, I published a
note on it in the same volume of the Journal, pp. 721 f It is edited here from Dr. Randle’s
facsimile.

‘ It is the first plate of a set, of which the other plates are not forthcoming. It now
measures 9f by 24 inches and weighs 5 ounces; but since a part has been broken away
at the ring-hole (which is fortunately in an unusual position, clear of the inscription, on the
proper right edge), the plate in its original condition must have been rather longer and
heavier. The sides are straight, but the intact end has the corners rounded off. There is
no raised edge or rim. The inscription consists of three lines, engraved fairlv deeply ; so
that some characters show slightly on the reverse), and on one side only, as is usual in the case
of the first (and last) plates of Vakataka grants. The first and last aksharas in the third line
project beyond the limit of the first two lines^ ’. ‘ The inscription ends abruptly.’

The characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabets, resembling
those of the grants of the Vakataka Pravarasena II, the only peculiarity worth noticing being
the general tendency to raise the upturned curves of such letters as k, r, and the subscript
y higher than is usual in Pravarasena IFs grants. The confusion of t and n occurs in this
grant also. The language is Sanskrit and the extant portion is wholly in prose. The
language is in places influenced by Prakrit as in sacliarantara{ka), line 2 and Fappajjassa, line 3.
The only orthographical peculiarity it presents is the doubling of a consonant after r
as in -mdgga, line 1 and dharmma-, line 3.

The plate purports to have been issued by the Vakataka Maharaja Devasena from
Vatsyagulma. It records the order of the king addressed to the touring royal officers {kula-
putras) such as the bhatas, Bhojakas and Dandandyakas employed in the northern subdivision
of Nangarakataka that the A'illage (probably Yappajja mentioned at the end of line 3) had
been granted by him to the Brahmanas Dharmasvamin^ and Bhavasvamin of the Sandilya
gOtra. The record ends here abruptly, the subsequent portion, mentioning the exemptions
granted to the donees, the appeal to future rulers, the regnal date and the names of the
writer and the Dutaka, being lost.

Unlike most other grants of the Vakatakas, the present inscription does not open
with drishtam ‘ seen ’. It is not, again, in the usual style of Vakataka grants which give the
genealogy of the reigning king in the beginning. Besides, the record is full of grammatical
errors. Dr. Randle therefore conjectured that the engraver’s incompetence proved too
much for the Vakataka official and so the plate was rejected before completion of the charter^.
None of these reasons, however, are quite convincing. Though the word drishtani usually
occurs in the beginning of \’akataka grants, it does not do so invariably^. The Riddhapur

LV./..4., Vol. II, p. 177.

2 Randle takes Dharmasvamin as an epithet of Bhavasvamin. No such epithet, however, occurs
elsewhere.

3V./..4., Vol. II, p. 180, n. 4

^ It may be noted that there is no empty space left for it in the beginning of line 1 as in Nos. 1 7 and 18.

102

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE \’ATSAGULMA BRANCH

plates of Prabhavaligupta, for instance, do not contain it. For all we know, the later
Vakataka princes of the \’atsagulnia branch may have purposely shortened the introduc-
tory portion of their grants; for we have no copper-plate grants of this branch after Vindhya-
sakti IFs time. As for grammatical and other mistakes, they are noticed in still greater
numbers in se\ eral genuine grants of the \’akatakas. It would not therefore be wise to reject-
this grant as unauthorised or spurious. Its importance lies in the fact that it is the only
record of De\ asena’s reign. In fact it showed for the first time that Vatsag^ulma was a
capital ol the \ akatakas, w hich was later confirmed by the discovery of the Basim plates of
Vindhyasakti II.

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Vatsyagulma is evidently identical
with \ atsagulma which has already been shown to be modern Basim in the Akola
District of Vidarbha. Nangarakataka probably denoted a territorial division corres-
ponding to the modern district, though the names of such divisions usually ended in kata.
Nahgara, its chief town, cannot be satisfactorily identified. If JVdngara is the writer’s
mistake for Mdhgara, the place may be identical with Mangrul, (ancient Mahgarapura),
the headquarters of a tahsil of the same name in the Akola Districth It lies about 25 miles
north by east of Basim, on the high road which connects Basim with Karanja. It was
therefore situated in the northern subdivision iuttara-mdrga) as stated in the present inscrip-
tion. It seems to have been an ancient place since a large hoard of more than 1500 coins
of the Satavahanas was found in its neighbourhood^. Yappajja, if this is the correct name
of the donated village, cannot be identified.

Text^

1 [l*] [l*] I d 1 4-q ^KM

(”T) ^ ^

Translation'

Hail! Irom Vatsyagulma By the order of the illustrious Devasena, the Alahdrdja

of the Vakatakas —

In Nfang[arakataka, in the Northern subdivision [indrga)^ , Our touring Officers of
noble birth such as soldiers, BhOjakas and Dandandyakas should be addressed [as follows ') : —
(Line 2). This \illage Yappajja (has been granted by L's) to Dharmasvamiii of

the SandiU'a gotra and to Bhavasvamin

[The subsequent plates of the grant are not forthcoming.)

'This was first pointed out in mv note in A'./..!., Vol II nn 721 f
2J.X.S.I., Vol. II, pp. 83 f.

3 From the facsimile facing p. 180 in .V./..-1., \’ol. II.

4 Read

5 Perhaps ^ was intended.

6 This appears to be a Prakrit form. Perhaps was the name of the donated village

7 In the Ba^m plates (No. 24 below), line 5, the Uttaramarga (northern division) is explicitly stated
to be a subdmsion of the district Nandikata.

INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF DEVASENA

CORPUS INSCRIPTION CM INDICARUM

VOL. VT

PLATE XXIV

Printed at the Survey of India Officts

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES OF THE

VATSAGULMA BRANCH

No. 25 : Plate XXV

AJANTA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF VARAHADEVA

T his inscription was first brought to notice by Dr. Bhau Daji, who published an eye-copy of
it together with a transcript of its text and a translation in the Journal of the Bombay Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society (1862), Vol. VH, pp. 56 f. Dr. Bhau Daji noticed in it the names
of the kings Vindhyasakti, Pravarasena and Der asena, and of their ministers Hastibhoja
and Varahadeva. He identified the first two of these kings with the homonymous princes
of the Vakataka dynasty who had already become known from the Siwani plates of Pravara-
sena II. The inscription was next edited with an introductory note and a translation, but
without a facsimile, by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji in the Inscriptions from the Cave-Temples of
Western India (Archaeological Survey of India) (1881), pp. 69 f. Pandit Bhagvanlal noticed
in it the names of the following Vakataka kings^ — Vindhyasakti; Pravarasena; [Rudrajsena;
(a name lost); Devasena; and Harishena. The transcript was prepared by the Pandit
with his wonted skill and shows a great improvement over that of Dr. Bhau Daji. The
record was next edited, with a translation and a lithograph, by Dr. Buhler in the Archaeolo-
gical Survey of Western India, Vol. IV (1883), pp. 124 f. and Plate LXVII. Dr. Buhler’s
lithograph was made from a facsimile carefully prepared by Pandit Bhagvanlal. It seems,
however, to have been somewhat worked up by hand. Dr. Buhler’s transcript does not
differ much from Pandit Bhagvanlal’s, but he noticed two additional names viz., Pritliivishena
and Pravarasena (II) after [Rujdrasena in the genealogical portion of the record. I
discussed the contents of the inscription in a paper which I contributed to the fourth
session of the Indian History Congress held at Lahore in 1940t and later edited it, from an
excellent estampage supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India, in the Hyderabad
Archaeological Series (1941). The record is edited here from the facsimile published with that
article.

The inscription is incised on the left-side wall at the extreme end outside the \ erandah
of Cave XVI at Ajanta in the Hyderabad State. It has suffered a great deal by e.xposure
to weather, especially in the middle of the first eight lines and on the left-hand side the whole
way down. Besides, about a dozen aksharas have been completely lost in the last two lines
at the lower left corner and one or two more in the centre of lines 25 and 26 owing to the
flaking off of the surface of the .stone.

The inscription covers a space 4' broad and 3' 6" high and consists of 27 lines, beauti-
fully written and carefully engraved. The characters arc of the box-headed \ ariety of
the southern alphabets. The boxes at the head of letters are scooped out hollow as in the
stone inscription at Deotek. The only points that call for notice are as follows: — In
initial u the length is indicated by an additional upturned curve added at the base of the
vertical; see urddhva-, line 17; the medial i is shown by a curling curve to the left and the
medial b by a loop as in Udirnna and Idka- both in line 1 ; medial au is bipartite as in ksham-
audaryya-, line 16;jv is still tripartite; I has in most cases a long vertical, but in some places

IP./.T/.C., 1940, pp. 79 f.

104

IXSCRIPTIOXS OF iMIXISTERS AXD FEUDATORIES

(e.g. Ldta-f line 14) it has assumed a dimunilive form. The language is Sanskrit and the
inscription is in \erse throughout. The \erses are thirty-two in number. As regards
orthography, we may note the doubling of the consonant after r as in nirvvdpana-, line 1 and
the use of the guttural nasal in stead of anusvdra in vaiisa-, line 3. The upadhmdniya occurs
in lines 2 and 10, and the ji/irdmuliva in line 10.

The inscription is one of the minister Varahadeva of the Vakataka king Harishena.
The object of it is to record the dedication of a cave-dwelling [vehna) fully decorated with
pillars, picture-galleries, sculptures etc. to the Buddhist Sahgha. It is undated, but since
Harishena ruled from about 475 A.C. to 500 A.C., it may be referred to the end of the fifth
centurv' A.C. It is noteworthy that Fergusson and Burgess also assigned the Ajanta cave
X\T, where the present record is incised, to about 500 A.C. on the evidence of the style of
its architcctureh

The inscription falls into two parts. The first part comprising the first twenty verses
gives the genealogy of the reigning king Harishena and incidentally names and eulogises
Hastibhoja and his son (Varahadeva) who as ministers served the \^akataka kings Devasena
and Harishena. The second part describes the cave-dwelling containing a Buddhist temple
{chaitya-mandiranij and an excellent hall [mandapa-rairiam] excavated by Varahadeva w'hich he
dedicated to the Buddhist .Sahgha for the religious merit of his father and mother.

The main interest of the inscription lies in the first part which gives the Vakataka
genealogy right from \4ndhyasakti, the founder of the famih'. The present inscription
describes Vindhyasakti as a dvija (Brahmana) who became renowned on earth, having
increased his power in great battles. His son Pravarasena I is next glorified in verse 6 as
one whose lotus-like feet were kissed by the rays of the crest-jew^els of hostile kings.

Pravarasena Fs son and successor was named and described in verse 7, but owing to
the unfortunate mutilation of the record in this part, the name is partially lost. Only the
latter part of it \ i/., -serui is clear. Bhag\anlal, who first noticed the name, thought that
sena was preceded b\- a fainth' traceable form like dra, so that the name might have been
Bhadrasena, Chandrasena, Indrasena, Rudrasena, etc. In his transcript of the record
he adopted the reading Rudrasena exidently because this name occurs soon after that of
Pra\arasena I in the Siwani and Chammak plates of Pravarasena II, which had been
discovered bcfoic. This reading was also adopted by Buhler, who next edited the present
inscription. It must, however, be noticed that according to the aforementioned land-
grants of Piavarasena 1 1, Rudrasena I was not the son of Pravarasena I, but was his grandson,
while the present inscription clearh' states that the successor of Pravarasena (I) was his son.
AVe must therefore suppose cither that the poet committed a mistake in describing this
relationship, or the reading of the royal name adopted by Bhagvanlal and BUhler is incorrect.
The former alternative does not appear likely; for the inscription was composed under the
direction of the Vakataka king Harishena's minister and is, on the whole, very correctly
written. It is, however, verv' much abraded in the portion where the name occurs, and
therefore a mistake in reading is not unlikeK'. Both Bhagvanlal and BUhler also were not
quite certain about this reading, but the former thought that he saw ‘ a faintly traceable
form like dra ' . If w e refer to the lithograph used by both of them, we find that the upper
member of the ligature read as dra is quite illegible, but there appears a loop below it, w'hich
seems to have been taken as the subscript r of dra. There are several instances of the sub-
script r in that lithograph, but in none of them is it denoted by a loop; it is always shown

^The Cave-Temples of India, p. 306.

AJANTA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF VARAHADEVA

105

by a hook open to the left. The new estampage supplied by the Government Epigraphist
does not show even this loop. The preceding akshara ru is of course completely gone as
admitted by both Bhagvanlal and Blihler. The reading Rudrasena in verse 7 is therefore
extremely doubtful.

The Basim plates name Sarvasena as the son and successor of the Vakataka Pra\ ara-
sena I who performed four Asvamedhas and other sacrifices. It may therefore be suggested
that the name lost here is Sarvasena. The reading Sarvasenah would suit the metre as well
as Rudrasenah. The latter part of the verse would therefore be Sarvasenah Pravarasenasya jifa-
sarvvasenas-suto-bhavat. The resulting \\ ould make this reading quite plausible. The

poet who composed this inscription was fond of using yamakas based on proper names as
will be seen from the following: —

Line 2— abhivriddha-saktih .... dana-saktih . . . . ^ indhyasaktih.

7 — Pravarasenas = tasya putro=bhut=pravar-orjjit-odara-sasana-pravarah.

10-11 — Hastibhojah .... dig-gandhahasti-pratimd babhuva.

14 — -Harisheno hari-vikkrama-pratapah.

The description jita-sarwa-denah of this prince ^vas evidently suggested by his name
Sarvasenah ^Ve may therefore take it as almost certain that Pravarasena I was succeeded
by his son Sarvasena.

Bhagv'anlal did not notice anv roval name in the next verse, but Blihler thought that
he could read in the middle of line 7 the aksharas pra{ov pri)ihivi which showed a name like
Prithivishem-. As he had adopted Bhagvanlal’s reading Rudrasenah in the preceding \ erse,
he identified this Prithivishena with Prithivishena I, whom several land-grants mention as
the son and successor of Rudrasena I. We have seen, however, that verse 7 probably men-
tions the name of Sarvasena, not of Rudrasena. Besides, the reading Prithivishenah noticed
by BUhler is equally uncertain. The akshara which he read as thi has a tapering top and is
open below. It cannot therefore be read as thi : for in all cases in this inscription, th has
invariably a round top and is closed at the bottom; see e.g. prathito in line 15 and prathita-
gun-opabhoga in line 21. The akshara appears to be sri, of which the lowei cur\e representing
T is indistinct. The following akshara is clearly vihi. It is followed by clear traces ot dhya.
Especially the elongated cur\e representing the subscript r is unmistakable. The two
following aksharas are almost certainly s'enah'^. The name thus appears to be hi-Vindhya<ena.
The initial word sat-putrah in that verse, which has not been noticed before, shows that
Vindhyasena was the son of the preceding king Sain’asena*^. The Basim plates mention
Vindhyasakti (II) as the son and successor of Sarvasena. \4ndhyasakti and Vindhyasena
are plainly identical. The Basim plates thus corroborate the reading m-Vindhyasmah in
verse 8. The second half of the verse which is \ ery badly mutilated indicates that he ivon
a victor)' over the lord of Kuntala.

The next \erse (9) ^vas read by Bhag\anlal as Pravarasenasya putrd =bhut etc. He
therefore thought that it described another son of Pra\'arasena I. The coirect leading
Pravarasenas=tasya puiro=^bhut was first given by Blihler. It shows that Pravarasena (II) was
the next king. Blihler identified this Pra\'arasena wvhom he took to be the son and

fc^herudseTAere is no special point in saying that he conquered all armies. One would rather
expect an expression like jita-sarvvci-I okah or jita-san’vo-) ajak.

2A.S.W.L, No. 4, p. 125, n. 1.

3Thev were doubtfully read as slienah by Blihler.

^Buhier conjecturally supplied tanayas=tasya, but there is no space for so many aksharas betore
parthiv-endrasya in line 7 and the reading docs not suit the metre.

106

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

successor of Priihivishena I) with Pravarasena II, whose Siwani and Chammak plates
had already been discovered and deciphered. This identification also cannot be upheld.
As shown above, verse 8 does not mention Prithivishena, but \indhyasena. ^Secondly,
even if tve adopt Biihler’s reading Prithivishenah in verse 8, we find that Pra\arasena II was
not the son of Prithivishena I, but was his grandson; for his father was Rudrasena II, the
son-in-law of the famous Gupta king Chandragupta II -Vikramaditya. Pravarasena, men-
tioned in verse 9 as the son and successor of Vindhyasena ( or \ indhyasakti II) must therefore
be distinguished from the homonymous \'akataka prince who is known from more than a
dozen grants discovered in Vidarbha.

\"erse 10 introduces another prince who evidently succeeded his father Pravarasena II,
mentioned in the preceding v'erse, but whose name cannot now be determined ovvdng to the
mutilation of the first half of that verse. He is said to have come to the throne when he was
only eight vears old and to have ruled his kingdom well. This piince is not known from
any other record.

\ erse 1 1 mentions Devasena as the son and successor of the prince described in verse 10.
He is also known from the India Office plate edited before*.

Verses 12-16 incidentally describe Hastibhoja, a capable minister of Devasena. These
verses also have suflered much mutilation, but what remains of them is sufficient to give
us a fair idea of his accomplishments. W e are told that he was an abode of merits, had a
broad and stout chest, was obliging, modest, loving and affable, and destroyed the allies
of his enemies. He governed the people well and was accessible and dear to them like their
father, mother and friend. Entrusting the cares of government to him, the king (Dev'^asena)
gave himself up to the enjoyment of pleasures.

Verse 17 proceeds with the royal genealogy and describes Harishena, the son and
successor of Devasena. The following verse which describes his conquests is badly mutilat-
ed. The first part of it mentions the countries of Kuntala, Avanti, Kaliziga, Kosala,
Trikuta, Lata and Andhra, evidently' in connection with the conquests of Harishena.

Verses 19-20 eulogize a son of Hastibhoja who became a minister of Harishena. His
name which must have occurred in the second half of verse 19 is now lost, but from verse 30
we can conjecture that it w as Varahadeva. He is said to have possessed the virtues of libera-
lity, forgiveness and generosity, and to have ruled the country righteously. Realising that
life, youth, wealth and happiness are transitory , he excav'ated a cav'e in honour of his father
and mother for the use of the best of ascetics. V erse 24 described the cav'e-dwelling (vesma)
as adorned with windows, doors, beautiful picture -galleries2, ledges and statues of the
nymphs of Indra, and supported by lovely pillars. It contained a temple of Buddha and was
provided with a large reservoir of water and a shrine of the lord of the Nagas. This
description exactly applies to cave XVI where the inscription has been incised. Verse 30
states that Varahadeva made over the cave to the Community' of Monks. The last two
verses (31-32) express the hope that the cave containing the excellent fnandapa dedicated to
the three rat7m (^i.e., Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) would last forever and that the world
would be freed from all blemishes and enter the peaceful and noble state which is devoid
of sorrow and pain.

* No. 24, above.

- The reference to picture-galleries in v. 24 was missed by both Bhagvanlal and Biihler as the
former took suvitki to mean ‘ splendid \ crandahs ’ and the latter, ‘ beautiful terraces ’. The
Trikandasesha (cited by Ghanas'yama in his commentary on the Uttararamachartia, Act, I) gives vithika
(which is the same as vithi) in the sense of ‘ a row of pictures ’.

AJANTA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF \^ARAHADEVA

107

As for the localities mentioned in this record, Kuntala generally denoted ‘ the country
between the Bhima and the Vedavati, including the Satara and Sholapur Districts as well
as some Kanarese districts of the Bombay, Mysore and Madras States.’ According to some
writers, however, Kuntala stretched much farther to the north. Rajasekhara seems to identify
Kuntala with a part of Maharashtra including \ridarbhak Soddhala, the author of the
U dayasundankatha, states that Pratishthana (modern Paithan in the former Haidarabad
State) on the Godavari was the capital of Kuntala^. Avanti is ^Vestern Malwa, the
capital of which 'was Ujjain (also called Avanti) . Kalinga comprised the country along the
eastern coast between the Mahanadi and the Godavari. Kosala is evidently Dakshina Kosala,
corresponding to modern Chhattisgadh and the adjoining parts of the Orissa State. The
exact location of Trikuta was long uncertain. From the description in Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa
it was of course known that the mountain Trikuta after which the country was named was
situated in Aparanta (North Kdhkan)^. The dynasty of the Traikutakas w’as also know'n
to have held parts of Konkan, Southern Gujarat and Northern Maharashtra. But which
part of the Western Ghats was designated Trikuta was not knowm. The Anjaneri plates
mention Purva-Trikuta vishaya (Eastern Trikuta District) in connection with certain taxes
levied in favour of a temple situated in the Nasik DistricP*^. Trikuta seems therefore to
have comprised the country to the west of Nasik. Lata generally signifies Central and
Southern Gujarat, between the Mahi and the Tapi, but in some records it is said to have
included the territory to the north of the Mahi as far as Kaira^. Finally, Andhra is the well-
known name of the Telugu-speaking country to the south of the Godavari.

Text6

— SPJTRT

1 ^-^-

^ [iRII*]

]m 4 *[l I VI I *]

[3rfV*] H r^r4^44d

[l*]

I Rajasekhara, Balardmayana, Act III, verses 50-52; Act X, verses /4-75.

dayasundankatha (Gaekwad’s Oriental Series), pp. 21 and 83.

'^Raghuvamsa, canto I\’, v. 59.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. XXV, p. 40. Vol. IV, p. 149.

5Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 40.

^From the facsimile published in the Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVI, between pages 142 and 143.

7This word was not noticed by the previous editors. The inscription in Ajanta Cave XVH
(No. 27) refers to the Buddha as

SMetre of this and the next two verses: Upajdti.

9These three aksharas are fairly clear. The complete word may have been
lOThis w'as the reading of Bhagvanlal. Buhler read

II Metre: Upajdti.

12 Metre: Up’endravajrd or Upajdti.

108

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

16
17

M4T^4UT fW^T4%?T [^jTt[^]^[ll\3ll*]

^[imil*] 5^cM=l <tf51dt^ i'^rra'^: 51^:[l*]

r_n'---' — r,— '-r[ll\ll*] ^TWcR^: ,

___|-|*j^_ 5r[^RrRr]

[||9o||*]

--r,-tT<R^r [ll ? ?ll*l 5’JqT^I4lf^5Hfd9f2T

[^■[^*] r--- Il___j-,*j ___ ^^7

[ii9^ji*] 5r

fM^: [sTiTWrTTT] [l*] frWT’

^^10 j^ii^YiU] cT[t*]T %rr^-

^4-wfTqT'^4T [i*] fq#T TrT#T f5nftfw?m 5rfT

[^T^*''] [iiniiT — [,*]

TIT#^ ^ ’fm [ll?^ll*] ^ ^ ^-

^ TMT [l*]

[ii^vsii*] ^ I =1 upg--

^ “ ^srrfTfTTT -- - ^^[ll ^ =;||*]

^8TTT RftqS[5#^ l]

• • • • • ' • • ; •"• • •^- • • • • ^‘^[Ti^^ii*] [W^5rw: %n:?TtT-

--‘®[iRoii*] f^m: 5rf^ 5^7^ [i*]

^q^TPRT [frot] ^rqnr [i i ^ U i *] sn^zft^Jrrwfw-

[f^i \ "

J Metre of verses 6-9 is a species of tndirasamaka as stated by Kiehorn. Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII. p. 27.
Dr. Venkatasubbaiah calls it Gitikd. J.O.R., Vol. IX, pp. 46 f. and 179 f.

^Bhagvanlal and Biihler proposed to read this name as See above, p. 105.

^This word was omitted in all previous transcripts.

Biihler proposed to read the name of this prince as See above, p, 105.

5 Read

C "v

^ Metre of verses 10-12 — Indravajrd or Upajdti.

7 Perhaps the word was Hastikosa, as the designation of an officer, occurs in the

Godavari copper-plate grant of Prithivimula. Vol. XVI, p. 118.

^ These three aksharas are fairly clear.

^ Metre : U pajdti,
l^Metre: Upendravajra or Upajdti,

1 ^ Metre : Upendravajra,

12 Metre: Upajdti,

13Bh agvanlal and Buhler read ^rf^FT which is ungrammatical. Buhler’s proposal to emend
it as is unnecessary as the akshara following ^ is clearly

l^Metre: Aupachekhandasika,
l^Metre: Vamiatha,

16 Metre: Aupachekhandasika.

17 This word, though omitted by previous editors, is fairly clear in the new estampage.
l^Restore ^Vf:. Aletre: Indravajrd.
l^Metre: Aupachekhandasika.

AJANTA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF \'ARAHADE\'A

109

20
21
22

_ [i *] RFTTfqRnj^^ jpft-

I « H-s) d I ii ■ [l*]

r [^?]W9fd^l TRTSrf^^-

- - - " [IP.YII*] r - - - - [fepr] - -

^ntf+Ki+l (rr) [i*] '-'“ Hl^l^ii^^^lRr^TT-

““r^~^[lRJM*]--- [^|[fT] M4b|fc<^|f|

~~[l*] lftCTTT[#^ ^] %T'3ftWPTRi ^9 «l>MVtwrnT[?T]^ [ll^.^JI*]

■ ■ ■ ■ ■^’f^'H’-'H’-'; <.'t^’-'^[<M^H*l l]

^r#^#f^(^)^°[iP,\3ii*] mn^M fT-Cr^^

^^kd+d^ll

[iRc^ll’^] (d^lK-ildld 51^ TPT Rt%Wr?T^[^r^3rTTT [l*]

dl r « n +11 H n=l Cl [ r did ^1 d * ■] [iR'^ll*] fd%r ?TOTT

4 <l^d=): [l*] »1 q q tl1 I ’■ij *1

--V"5TT^

“ , dcd H d fM ^ Td c+ <^[^^;] I dW^-

________ __ %[5ir]dm-d4'J^H<cddddd^‘ T^[4t*]^jfT[T]-

[ll3^ll*]f¥T?l«dd^M44<=i(+lld1

__ _____ ^

[||2?II*]

T R ANSL ATIOX^O

(Verse 1). Having bowed to the sage (Buddha) who extinguishes the rising flames
of the sins of the three worlds I shall give a eulogy about a succession of kings.

t Metre; Upajdti.

2 This first quarter of the verse has been read by me for the first time. The reading afeng
given by Bhagvanlal and Biihler does not give any good sense.

^Bhagvanlal and Biihler read ^nCT.

^ Metre : Aupaihchhandasika.

5 Biihler doubtfully read but the aksharas are completely gone. Read

6 This last quarter, which I have read completely for the first time, shows that the Chaitja-mandira
was not structural and outside the cave as supposed by Burgess, but that it was the shrine of the gigantic
statue of the Buddha at the back of the cave. Compare f?T#%?TRr^fira5ft^ in line 24 of inscription No. 27.

2 Bhagvanlal and Biihler read which does not yield a good sense. The expression

Jr+IHIHH^ir'f'TRfJT occurs in line 26 of inscription No. 27 also.

8 Read Metre: Upajdti.

9 Metre : Praharshini.

Metre of this and the next verse: Aupachchkaiidasika.

11 The last two of the missing aksharas may have been br^.

12 Metre: Vasdntatilakd.

13 Read

14 Read

15 Read Eropr.

10 Metre: Upajdti.

17 Read fqqR-.

13 Metre : Sardulatikridita.

10 Metre; Mdlini.

20 In this translation I have derived some help from Dr. Biihler’s rendering, though I have differed
from him in the interpretation of certain passages.

110

INSCRIPTIOXS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

(\’. 2). There was a Brahmana {lit., a twice-born man) on earth [named) Vindhysaktl,
whose strength increased in great battles, whose valour, when he was enraged, was irresistible
even by gods, [and) who was mighty in fighting and charity.

3). He, whose majesty was like that of Indra and Upendra (Vishnu), who, by
the might of his ai m, conquered the whole world [and) [who destroyed the up-rooted thorns]*,
became the standard of the Vakataka race.

(\'. 4). He, eclipsing in battles the sun with the masses of dust raised by [the hoofs of)
his horses, making the enemies made them intent on salutation to him.

(V. 5). Having subdued his enemies for [accomplishing) the work of the gods, he made
a great effort to acquire religious merit

(V. 6). His son was Pravarasena (I), whose lotus-like feet were kissed by the rays of
jewels w orn on the heads of hostile kings [and) w hose eyes resembled fresh, blooming lotuses.

(V. 7). The rays of the sun (Sarvasena)^ was Pravarasena (I)’s son who

defeated all armies.

(V. 8). The illustrious Vindhyasena,^ the noble son of the lord of kings, governed the
earth righteously, having conquered the lord of Kuntala

(V. 9). His son was Pravarasena (II), who became exalted by his excellent, pow^erful
and liberal rule

(V. 10). His son who, having obtained the kingdom when eight years

old, ruled well.

('V. 11). His son became king who, on earth, was known as Devasena by

whose lovely enjoyments the earth of the lord of godsh

(V. 1 2) . Through the greatness of the religious merit of [that) king properly . .

.... [there) was Hastibhoja, the abode of excellences, the illustrious Commander of

the Elephant Force on the earth^.

(\\ 13). He, who had a broad and stout chest and lotus-like eyes, [and) who destroyed
the partisans of his enemies, {who had) arms resembled a scent-elephant station-

ed in a quarter.

(V. 14). Obliging, modest, loving, agreeable, obedient to [the king's) wishes,

faultlessly

(V. 15). So also, on account of his being a well-wisher of the world as well as by his
happy and excellent rule, he was, indeed, always dear and accessible [to the people) like
[their) father, mother and friend.

(V. 16) The king, having entrusted [the government of the kingdom) to him,

became free from care and engaged himself in the enjoyment of pleasures, acting as he liked.

(V. 17). Then his son became king Harishena, who, in loveliness, resembled

Indra^, Rama, Hara, Cupid, and the moon, and who was brave and spirited like a lion.

(\h 18). He [conquered], Kuntala, Avanti, Kalihga, KSsala, Trikuta, Lata,
Andhra, wUich, though very famous for valour

*i.e ., who exterminated wicked people.

2 Bhagvanlal and Biihler read the name of this prince as Rudras'ena. See above, p. 105.

^BUhler read Prithivishena as the name of this prince. See above, p. 105.

^ Perhaps the sense is that the earth vied with the ivorld of the gods.*

5 Hastikosha seems to be a technical official title as in the Godavari copper-plate grant of Prithivimula.
Fleet took it to mean an official wffio kept the purse and made disbursements on account of the estab-
lishment of elephants. V'ol. XVI, p. 119.

^Hari of the text should be taken to mean ‘ Indra not‘ Vishnu ’, as Rama, an incarnation of
Vishnu, is separately named.

Ill

AJAXTA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF \’ARAHADEVA

(V. 19). The son ofHastibhoja, renowned on earth, became the minister of that king
whole earth

(V. 20). Beloved by the king and the subjects, he, w ho was of staid and firm mind,
endowed with the virtues of liberality, forgiveness and generosity, and intent on [the per-
formance of) religious duty, governed the country righteously, ishining) brightly with the
rays of his fame, religious merit and virtue.

(V. 21). He amassed a large store of religious merit for especially, after which

he, [regarding] the sacred law as his {only) companion, made this sacred dwelling,^ being
extremely devoted to [the Buddha), the teacher of the world.

(V. 22). [Realising that] life, youth wealth and happiness are transitory, he,

for the sake of his father and mother, caused to be made this excellent dwelling to be occupied
by the best of ascetics.

(V. 23). On the best of mountains, on which hang multitudes of w ater-laden clouds

{and) which is inhabited by the lords of serpents in the thickets of the slopes (?)

of which by the lord of the goddess of heroism.

(V. 24). [The dwelling] w'hich is adorned wath windows, doors, beautiful picture-
galleries^, ledges, statues of the nymphs of Indra and the like, w'hich is ornamented with
beautiful pillars and stairs, and has a temple of the Buddha inside.

(V. 25). Which is situated on the top ( of the mountain), appears attractive a

canopy, which is provided wdth a large reservoir of abundant water and is also ornamented
with a shrine of the lord of the Nagas^ and the like.

(V. 26) various pleasures in a fierce w'ind blowing all round

warmed by the heat of the rays of the summer sun and afl'ording enjoyment of well-known
comforts in all seasons.

(V. 27). [Which resembles] the palaces of the lord of gods and is similar to a cave
in the lovely Mandara mountain as desired by the people.

(V. 28). w^hich shines on [the slopes of) this matchless mountain since

it removes fatigue.

(V. 29). The cave on this [mountain) clothed in the brilliance of Indra’s crown,

which the people, with their love expanding through joy and gratification, have named -visilah

(V. 30). Having presented [the cave) with devotion to the Community of Monks,
^^strsilisidcva together with the multitude of his relatives, having enjoyed royal pleasuies,
ruled righteously^ being praised like Sugata (i.e. the Buddha).

(V. 31). As long as with the multitude of the hoods of serpents resembling

clouds as long as the sun [shines] with rays red like fresh red arsenic, even

so long may this spotless cave containing an excellent hall [mandapa) dedicated to the three
ratnas, be enjoyed!

(V. 32). [May] this mountain, the peak of which contains \ arious (types of) caves,

which is inhabited by great people and may the whole world also, getting rid of its

manifold sins, enter that tranquil and noble state, free from sorrow and pain!

^Kdrd s^ms to have been used here in the unusual sense of ‘a place of worship.’ It may be noted
that kdra in Pali means ‘ an act of worship ’ or ‘ homage ’. Buhler translated, ‘ He made a prison (?)

all round for the teacher of the world , , , = , -r , > u

2Su-vithi was translated as ‘splendid verandahs’ by Bhagvanlal and as beautiful terraces by
Buhler. It probably refers to the picture-galleries in the cave. Cf. vithikd used in the Uttarardmacharita,
Act I. Burgess thought that the chaitya-mandiram must be structural and outside; but it undoubtedly
refers to the shrine containing a colossal statue of the Buddha at the back of the cave. ^

3 This refers to the shrine of the Naga Raja ‘in the staircase leading down from the front ol the cave .

4Cave XVI seems to have borne a name ending in visdta.

No. 26: Plate XX\ I

GHATOTKACHA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF VARAHADEVA

T his inscription was first published with an English translation, but without any facsimile
plate, by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji in the Inscriptions from the Cave-Temples of Western India
(Archaeological Survey of ^Vestern India) (1881), pp. 88 f h He gave a fairly correct
transcript of the text and pointed out that Hastibhoja, mentioned in line 10, was probably
a minister of the \'akataka king Devasena. He further identified Devaraja mentioned in
line 13 with the homonymous minister of a king of Asmaka, mentioned in line 10 of the
inscription in Ca\ e XMI at Ajan^, and on the basis of this identification, conjectured that
the Ghatbtkacha cas e was of a somewhat later date than the Ajanta caves XVI, XVII and
XX\"F, The inscription teas next edited with a lithograph and an English translation by
Dr. G. Biihler in the Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV (1883), pp. 138 f. and
PI. LX. The lithograph was prepared from an estampage taken by Pandit Bhagvanlal
Indraji, and appears to have been somewhat worked up by hand. Dr. BUhler's transcript
and translation differed in some points from those of Pandit Bhagvanlal. He declared him-
self against the identification of Devaraja with the Asmaka minister of the same name,
proposed by Pandit Bhagvanlal, and apparently took Devaraja to be Indra, the lord of gods^.
Biihler further pointed out that this ministerial family belonged to the Valluras, which, he
thought, was apparenth' a sub-division of the Malabar Brahmanash The transcripts
of Bhags anlal and Biihler led to certain misconceptions regarding the original home of this
family. I therefore published a rev ised edition of the record with a facsimile prepared from
estampages supplied bv the Archaeological Department of the Hyderabad State. It is
re-edited here from the same estampages.

The present inscription is incised on the left end of the back wall of the v erandah of
what IS known as the Ghatotkacha Cave at Gulwada, 1 1 miles west of Ajanta. It seems
to have originallv' consisted of twenty-two lines, but the last four lines are now almost
completely defaced. Of the remaining eighteen lines, again, only the first ten can be read
more or less completely, but a major portion of the next eight lines on the right-hand side is
now irrecoverably lost owing to the decay of the stone on which they were engraved. The
inscription is, howev er, the onlv record which gives a complete genealogy of Varahadeva,
the minister of the \ akataka king Harishena, and tliis circumstance invests it with consider-
able importance. I have tried to decipher it as much as is possible in its present defaced
condition.

1 The Ghatotkacha cave where the inscription is incised was first brought to notice by Captain
Rose and described by Surgeon W. H. Bradley, but the present inscription does not appear to have been
deciphered before 1881. Dr. Burgess called it an inscription of Asmaka princes, evidently relying on
the account given by Pandit Bhagvanlal.

2 Bhagvanlal gave the following genealogy of Devaraja. Hastibhfija, (his son) Varahadev'a,
(his son) Bhaviraja, and (his son) Devaraja. According to him, DEvaraja was the great-grandson of
Hastibhoja and grandson of \’arahadeva. The Ajanta caves XVI and X\TI were, however, excavated
during the reign of the \'akataka king Harishena, whose minister was Varahadeva. Cave XX\T was
excavated by a Buddhist Bhikshu in honour of Bhaviraja, a minister of the king of Agmaka.

3 As shown below, Devaraja in line 13 in none other than the \ aka pika king Devasena.

4 This view rests on the reading Malafem line 7, which, as shown 'below, is erctremelv doubtful.
See below, p. 116. n. 8.

GHATOTKACHA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF \ ARAHADEVA

113

The inscription seems to have originally cov ered a space, 4' broad by 2' 4" iiigh. The
characters are of the box-headed variety of the southern alphabet, generally resembling
those of the Vakataka inscriptions in Caves X\T and X\’II at Ajanta. The only peculiari-
ties that call for notice are as follows: — ^The medial u i^long) is denoted by two horizontal
strokes added to the vertical on the right in some cases and on the left in others; see gurmdrh,
line 1, and Vallura-, line 3. In the case of bhu, on the other hand, the vowel is indicated
by turning the vertical upwards to the right and adding a horizontal stroke to it; see babhuva,
line 9; / is unlooped, while n shows a loop; r is tripartite except when it is subscript; the
vertical stroke of I is invariably turned sharply to the left; a final consonant is indicated by its
small size and a horizontal line at the top; see tasmdt, line 9. The sign for the jihvdimdtva
occurs in line 5 and 9, and that for the npadhmdnija in lines 4, 5 and 10.

The language is Sanskrit, and the whole record is metrically composed. Each line of it
contains one verse. The metres used in it are Indravajrd, Upajdti, Aryd, Pushpitdgrd and
Vasantatilakd^. The record is composed in a simple and graceful style, generally free from
solecisms. The only form which calls for notice is dsa, which, contrary to Panini, II, 4, 52,
is used in line 5 as an independent verb of the perfect tense^. The orthography shows the
usual peculiarities of the reduplication of a consonant after r and the use of the guttural
nasal for anusvdra, see vanso, line 3, and vansajdsu, line 6.

The object of the inscription was apparently to record the excavation of the I ihdra
cave bv a minister of the Vakatakas whose name is unfortunately not preserved completely,
but who, as shown below, was Varahadeva, the son of Hastibhoja. The record opens with a
verse in praise of the Buddha, who is described as the sage among sages and the teacher
among teachers, who was a store of marvels. The second verse describes Dharma and
Gana (or Sangha), the other two members of the Buddhist trinity. 5\ith verse o begins the
genealogy" of the ministerial family. There is, we are told, a great race of excellent Brahmanas
called Valluras, who are well-known in the south (\’. 3 j . In it was born Yajhapati, who in
learning resembled the great primeval sages, Bhrigu, Atri, Garga and Angiras (_\ . 4). His
son was Deva, who v\as a capable, learned and active statesman and on account of whom
the whole kingdom together with the king performed their respective religious duties .V. 5j.
His son was Soma, who took wives of the Kshatriya as well as the Brahmana caste^. From
the Kshatriya wife he obtained a handsome son named Ravi, who, possessing marks of royalty
on his person, established his sway over the whole territory (V. 7). From other wives of the
Brahmana caste. Soma obtained sons learned in the Vedas, whose habitation Vallura was
even then (i.e. at the time of the inscription) \v ell-known in the south.

Ravi, who, as stated before, was born of a Kshatriya wife of S5ma, had a son named
Pravara. The latter’s son 'ivas Sri-Rama, who had a son named KIrti. Kirti’s son was
Hastibhoja (V. 9). Hastibhoja distinguished himself by his ability during the reign of the

1 Buhler, who missed some of the aksharas in lines 13-18, thought that the metre of the inscription

was Upajdti throughout. This is incorrect; for, as he admitted, the readings in these lines do not suit
the metre. The metre, which is Upajdti up to v. 12 ^vith the single exception of v. 3 (which is in Indra-
vajrd), changes irom \3. , . , • I- - ;/

2 Kalidasa, who flourished slightly earlier, uses dsa as an independent verb in his Rumdrasambliava,
canto I v. 35. For an attempt to justify the form, see Vamana's Kdvydlahkdrasutravritti, V, 2, 27.

3 Such anuldma marriages were allowed by ancient Smritis. Cf. Manusmriti, III, 13. For a similar
historical instance, see the Jodhpur inscription of Pradhara Bauka. As hich in v. 7 mentions that the
Brahmana Harichandra mamed wives of the Brahmapa and Kshatriya castes. From the foraier
he had Brahmana sons and from the latter ‘ drinkers of wine ' Kshatriyas). Ep. Ind., \ ol. X\ III,
p. 95.

114

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

Vakataka king Devasena (V. 10). The next two verses i^VV. 11-12) which eulogised Hasti-
bhoja are unfortunately very much mutilated. A’erse 13 commences with atha which jndi-
cates the introduction of a new subjecth It mentions a son of Devaraja, narned Harishena^.
He is plaintly identical with De\’asena’s son Harishena, the great Vakataka king during whose
reign the Ajanta caves XVI, XVII and XIX were excavated. Bhagivanlal and Biihler,
w'ho could not decipher the two words Devara.ja-sunur=HarisKerib, missed completely the
historical information given by this verse. The former identified this D^^araja with a minister
of an Asmaka king, while the latter thought that devaraja was no personal name at alD.
Verse 14 seems to have continued the eulogy of Harishena. The next verse (15), which,
like Ah 13, commences with atha seems to have resumed the description of Hastibhoja from
V. 12. Averse 16 refers to several sonsh apparently of Hastibhoja, perhaps in connection
w'ith a description of A’arahadeva, who succeeded his father as the Chief Alinister of
Harishena. His name is partially preserv ed in line 18. The lower part of the inscription
which probably eulogised A arahadeva and recorded the excavation of the Ghatdtkacha
cave is completely lost.

As Dr. Biihler observed, the wording of V. 5 makes it probable that Deva who is eulogis-
ed therein held the office of Prime Minister. The king whom he served is not named, but in
view of what has been said above, it would not probably be wrong to infer that his master
belonged to the Awka^ka dynasty. The ministers and the contemporary Vakataka kings

whom they serv^ed may therefore be stated as follows :

Contemporary Vakataka Kings {with approxi-
mate dates of accession)

Afindhyasakti (250 A.C.)

Pravarasena I (270 A.C.)

Sarvasena (330 A.C.)

Afindhyasena (355 A.C.)

Pravarasena II (400 A.C.)

' Name lost) (410 A.C.)

Devasena (450 A.C.)

Harishena (475 A.C.)

This ministerial family bore the name of Vallfira, wffiich, as V. 8 shows, was derived
from their original habitation. This place is said to have been situated in the south.
Biihler, who, following Bhagvanlal, read Malaya in V. 7 as the name of the country where
Ravi was ruling, thought that the ministerial family was probably a sub-division of the

1 In No. 25, v. 17 also the word atha is used to mark a change in the subject of description.

2 Bhagvanlal read atha Devaraja, and Biihler, atha devarajasja in the beginning of V. 13. PI. LX
in AS- W.I., Vol. IV, defective as it is, shows clearly the aksharas atha Devardja-sunur=Hari-. The fresh
estampages supplied to me by the Archaeological Department of the Hyderabad State give the name
Harishena clearly. There should therefore be no doubt about this reading.

^A.S.W.I., Vol. IV, p. 139, n. 4.

4 The inscription in Cave XVI at Ajanta also refers to the handhu-varga of Varahadeva who
apparently had a large number of relatives. See No. 25, line 24.

Ministers

Yajnapati

Deva

Soma

Ravi

Pravara
, 1

Sri Rama
Kirti

Hastibhoja

V^arahadeva

GHATOTKACHA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF VARAHADEVA

115

Malabar Brahmanas. As shown below, the reading Malaya is extremely doubtful, and
apart from this reading, there is no evidence to place the homeland of this family so far to the
south. It appears more likely that the family originally belonged to the southern portion
of the former Hyderabad State; for even now there is a village named Velur in the
(Yelgandal) Karimnagar District of that State. It may be noted in this connection that the
V aka takas who patronised this family appear to have originally belonged to the same part of
the country; for the earliest mention of the name Vdkdlaka occurs in a pilgrim record on a
pillar at Amaravatih which lies only about 150 miles south by east of VTlur. It is not unlikely
that both these families which rose to distinction in the same period and ^vere connected inti-
mately with each other for several generations hailed from the same part of the country which
was apparently the Central Deccan. This gives a plausible explanation of how the Vakatakas
rose to power in Vidarbha or Central Deccan immediately after the downfall of the Sata-
vahanas.

The present inscription has also a bearing on the age of the Ghatotkacha cave
which has been variously estimated. In a note added to Bhagvanlal’s transcript of this in-
scription, Burgess stated that BhagvanlaEs view that the Ghatotkacha cave is of a somewhat
later date than the Ajanta caves XVI, XVII and XXVI was borne out also by its architec-
ture. Subsequently, Burgess seems to have modified his view, evidently in view of Blihler’s
interpretation of the present record ; for he remarked in his report on the Buddhist Cave-
Temples and their Inscriptions {A.S.W.L, Vol. IV) as follows: — It seems probable that
Hastibhoja was the excavator of this cave which would thus belong to a period somewhat
anterior to the Ajanta vihdra excavated by his son ”. As shown above, the Ghatotkacha cave
also was excavated during the reign of the Vakataka king Harishena by a son of the minister
of Hastibhoja, who was probably Varahadeva. It is therefore of the same age as the Vihdra
Caves XVI and XVII and the Gandhakuti or Chaitya Cave XIX, all of which were excavated
during the reign of the same Vakataka king. Any differences that may be noticeable in the
architectures of these caves must be attributed to individual workmanship and not to a
difference in their age.

TeXt2

1 RrdHdldTB'dRTFTt TOW STTO TOWt(w)[l*l 4 ^ fed 4 i-

fWit [ll^ll*P

2 WRt(TTR) [l*] ^ [f^]-

+RIM^l[Tr]^[TT] '

3 srfer wTTOTt fewiTTr(Trfr) [i*] sr

^Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 267.

2 From inked estampages supplied by the Archaeological Department, Hyderabad State.

3 Metre of vv. 1 and 2.: Upajdti.

"^The readings in the second half of this verse are not quite certain. Bhagvanlal read
and Biihler BUhler added in a note, Either or II^TTT: to be

read”. The akshara before is certainly fT, and the verbal form shows that the subject must

be in the plural. So IT^rrTT: must be the intended reading.

5 Bhagvanlal read and Biihler ^ seems to have been repeated after T. Again, ^ appears

much below the line so that there is sufficient space for the superscript guttural nasal W, though it is
not quite certain here. See in line 6 below. Read

^ Metre: Indravajrd.

116

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

8
9

^r[^] [2T]?T[q%Px5Rn^;^ [lIYII*]

^ [l*] ^ITPT^

M « T ?^W x[qT]gI^ ^ [WXW*] cr^r .

^ftR ^TT^w^if^RT^^nn^^ [i*] ?5%FTf^r«TT M|m[^]-

^T% STTtr [\\%\\*]

^ f RcM W TT'-sP^^ (■^) [l*] ^ tI%TPT^

fg^ xj|rq w ^dH<K|r^ [m*P ttr W’^RTPIR [l*]
w[^]^"[fi:]^(^) [ii=;ii*]^

<d4^d T ^cH4< l filW r: ^ftrrrpTFrFT dTRFI [l*] cTFn?^^^Z^tf%T^-

^ [i*] amrf? JiFTrr^T^R3r[^]-

lBhag\'anlal and Buhler read ^Tf^^rJn^Tt, but traces still remain of a curve on f. Cf.
^TffcTS^TWt^ I in Raghnmmsa, VI, 71. ^

2Bhagvanlal read tr ra »T <»eq '^Rt, but Biihler gave the correct reading sn^Pnjf^WPTT.

^Bhagvanlal could not restore the name of the progenitor of this family. He read JTfT; tntRr:, and
thought was his proper name. iT^ra' is, however, used by the poet elsewhere also in the sense of

‘well-known’. See lines 3 and 10, below. Buhler suggested and WTRt: as possible readings, and

decided in favour of the latter. The name is fairly clear in the fresh estampages. The curve on the last
letter is still seen. So 4 W MRf : is undoubtedly the correct name. There are traces of the upadhmdniya on pra.

Metre of verses 4-12 : Upajdti.

5 Bhagvanlal read but as Buhler pointed out, the i mark of is quite plain. The next

akshara also which was not read by Biihler has a similar F-mark. The intended reading seems to be
jr^lrfl. Cf. in the Dasakumdracharita (Bom. Sanskrit Series, 1919), p. 100.

6 Bhagvanlal read and Buhler ;tpT. The first akshara of the word is fairly clear with the

sign of upadhmdntya over it, and in view of the comparison of Deva with deva (the god Krishna), the

reading Pdrtha is almost certain. The second akshara is still quite clear. It is # and not nor «r.

2 Bhagvanlal and Buhler read but the superscript guttural nasal is quite clear. Read -WsiiNI^.

8 Both Bhagvanlal and Buhler read this word as The first akshara appears more like

than ma, the curve on it being still quite clear. The second akshara is now very much damaged. It

was probably so in the days of Bhagvanlal and Buhler also. The facsimile published in A.S.W.I.
(PI. LX) shows it to be la, but its accuracy is doubtful; for in this epigraph the letter / has invariably
its right limb sharply turned to the left in the form of a curve, but this / in Bhagvanlal’s copy has a
straight vertical stroke on the right. Cf. the forms of / in 3TT%Tt7§rJITJTt and !rFnT^e»T^RT both in line 4,

in line 7, in line 8, in line 14, and in line 1 7. In all these cases I has the same

form, with its right limb bent over like a curve. The correct reading therefore appears to be f^ptra'.

9 Bhagvanlal read here doubtfully and Biihler, g^[ir]^. Neither of these readings gives a verb
which is necessary in this verse. The aksharas here are damaged. Restore JTPI.

l^Both Bhagvanlal and Buhler read but Biihler proposed to emend it as^^TTTTRt. The

proposed emendation is unnecessar)-. The Brahmanas were known as Valluras (v. 3, above), because
they were residing at Vallura as stated here. Cf. which occurs in the description of the

ancestors of Bhavabhuti. Mdlatimadhava, Act I.

11 Read SRrfrT-.

12 Bhagvanlal and Buhler read but the subscript j of the akshara following ta shows that it is

probably sya.

13 Bhagvanlal read and Biihler, The first two aksharas oi this name are quite

certain, but the last two are now damaged.

I'l Both Bhagvanlal and Biihler read this word as which does not yield good sense. What

they took as the z-mark of shi is really the sign for the upadhmdniya above pra. Read ’TJTxJRtRit. The
poet has used srq>T^ elsewhere also in this inscription; see above, lines 3 and 4.

15 The aksharas which were fairly clear in the days of Bhagvanlal and Biihler, are now much
damaged. The first akshara ^ of the name is partially damaged but the following aksharas

can be read from the traces still remaining.

COKl'rs INSCRIPTlONrM INDICARUM

VOL. VI

(niATOTKACHA C'AVE INSCRIPTION OF VARAHADEVA

Platf XXVI

D C Strcar

Reg No 39 77 E’3 6-1,103 *63

Scale: One-fourth

Printed at the SuRVEv of InD'A C^mces p L 0

GHATOTKACHA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF VARAHADEVA

117

frr ~ [ti 9 o II*]

1 1 f^[^]RT[^] ^^TTf^dT [l*] :i " ^ ~ “ fmt

- [119 911*]

12 ^TFmriT^ , - - - -

___ [ll? 911*]

13 m • • • • ■ • • [i*]

^[ll9Bll*]

14 [i*] --------

, [119Y11*] _ ^

15 31^- f51?PH[m*] - - - ^ “ j-,*j ^ ^

16 ■ - — - [| ]

—

18 TTTfp?:*] ^ [i j

— ' [ti?^nT

Translation^

(Verse 1). Victorious is he who is called the Buddha, the sage among sages, the teacher
among teachers, the immortal among immortals, the best among the eminent [and) a store
of marvels— who attained enlightenment by abstension from the enjoymentio („/ umldly

pleasures). i i . u

(V. 2). {Victorious) next [is) the law promulgated by him who knows the law; and

{victorious) also {is) the Community, the best among all communities, having done service

to w^hich^S a worthy recipient, the sons (of men) become exalted.

1 Bhagvanlal read 5^'^T, but Biihler took the word to be grttT.
I have followed Bhagvanlal as the traces left admit of that reading.

The aksharas are doubtful, but

£ lOllowea cnagvamai as uic o r n • ^ .

2 Bhagvanlal could read only troai. and BuMer "L “t Xi° °tL" SSi

clearly <r. The'tev^WnTLri;;. Us npper par,, bn. .he lower n-sign is clear The following
'til ilclearly ha. I. closely resembles ha in line 3. The nex. akshara .s almost certainly ri.

The name was undoubtedly gfrrirft, the last two aksharas being clear m the new estampages. As the
p^vio„r=dUorrSsse?1w name, they were unable to identify this Devarhja correctly.

3 Metre: Arja.

‘^'Netre of verses 14 and 15: Pushpitagra.

3 Metre: Vasantatilaka.

6 Metre: Pushpitagra.

SThtr^ar^T'aces rftn akshara here and there in the next four lines in the litho^aph published m
AS W I Vol IV PI. LX as well as in the estampages supplied to me, but no words can be

9 In Ais tr^Liation I have derived some help from Dr. Buhler’s rendenng, though I have differed

aisinclination’.. See T P.. D.h... by

sterns to be used herein ^e

The i of mercy or worship, homage. Karapakara is apparently

by Rhys Davids). Kira has been used m hue 1 , of No. 25 above. See p. 1 1 1, n. I.

118

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

(Y. 3) . In the southern country is well known a great race of most eminent Brahmanas
named Valluras, which (race) has accumulated religious merit and glory since (the age of)
Brahma and is honoured by the great.

(Y. 4). In that (race) ■was born famous Yajna[pati] 1, an excellent Brahmana, who
resembled the prime\ al Brahmanas Bhrigu, Atri, Garga and Angiras, noted for their good
qualities.

(V. 5). His son was Deva, who being wise, learned, proficient in political wisdom and
engaged in the performance of religious rites, resembled the god (Krishna) ; being guided
by whom, the ^v■hole kingdom together with the king performed religious duties even as
Partha (i.e., Arjuna) did (under the guidance of Krishria)-.

(\k 6). From him was born Soma, a second moon as it were; who, performing religious
duties as enjoined by the Vedas and Smritis, gave his love (equally) to wives of the two
(castes), born in Brahmana and Kshatriya families.

(V. 7). On a Kshatriya w ife of noble birth and character, he begot a good-looking
son named Ravi, possessed of marks of royalty who established his sway over the whole
territor>’3.

(V. 8). From other Brahmana wives he obtained sons who fulfilled their desires in
mastering the \Tdas, — whose habitation named Vallura is even now (well-known) in the
southern countiv^. ^

(\*. 9). The son of Ravi was Pravara. From him sprang Sri-Rama. His son w^as
Kirti of good repute, and from him rvas born Hastibhoja.

(V. 10). ^Vhen the Vakataka Devasena was ruling, Hastibhoja distinguished
himself by his excellences — (he) whose noble birth (and) charity even now^.

(V. 11). Among the resolute, intelligent, efficient and meritorious colleagues

when the king's

(V. 12). Occupying a half of whose seat men in the assembly

Footnote j\o. 1 1 — {Continued)

verse has puzzled previous editors. Bhagvanlal translated, " Even an ungrateful and unjust prison(?)
dedicated to his virtuous person, becomes the bestower of good Buhler gave the following rendering.

‘ The Community {of ascetics) placed in which, as in a beautiful vessel, even those who have sinned

by committing murder, become exalted In a note he adds, ‘ The phrase kdrdpakdrdstanajdh is very
ambiguous as it may be taken as one compound, consisting of kdrdpakdra and astanaya^ or as tw’o words
kdrdpdkdrds and tanajdh as kdra may be interpreted ‘ effort ’ or ‘ a Yati ’ or ‘ murder If it is taken
as a compound it may be translated by ‘ those whose efforts are offences and who thus cast aside good
behaviour or prudence’, or by ‘those who offend against ascetics, and thus’ etc. — or by ‘those whose offence
is murder and who thus ’ etc. If we adopt the second division means ‘sons’ 2 Lnd kardpakdrdh

can again be taken in various \vays. The poet no doubt intended to puzzle the reader. But in any
case the general sense remains the same, and the half verse is intended to assert that sinners are
purified by joining the Buddhist Sahgha

^This name is almost certain.

^Biihler, who read tidtha in place of Pdttha, translated as follows: — ‘Under whom, when he gained
possession of the kingdom and of the king, lawful rites were performed as in the {time of) the Lord
Buddha’. With the reading dharmydh kriydh which Buhler adopted, this construction is impossible; for
the verb w ould be expected to be in the plural, not in the singular as here {prachakre). As shown above,
the reading is undoubtedly Pdrtha and so the simile seems to have been suggested by the name Deva. The
sense seems to be that the whole kingdom together with the king did its duty being guided by Deva,
even as Arjuna had done before by the advice of the god Krishna.

3 As shown above, the reading Malajeh not likely. Ravi ^vas therefore ruling over the territory
round his native place \"allura, not over Malaya.

^As the reading is clearly Vallnra-ndmnd here, as given by both Bhag\ anlal and Biihler, Vallura is
primarily the name of the village. JThe family became known by that name as it was living at the place.

5 This indicates that Hastibhoja was dead when the inscription was incised.

GHATOTKACHA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF VARAHADEVA

119

(V. 13). Then there is Harishena, the son of Devarajai Hastibhoja

(V. 14). Observing {his) fame as white as moon -beams

fV. 15). Then was born {to Hastibhoja) a dear son^, who was his (very) self, possessed

of a hundred qualities

(V. 16). Among his many sons^

(V. 17) the entire reward

(V. 18). Here is Varahadeva, thoroughly examined

iRha^anlal, taking Devaraja to be a proper name, identified him with the minister of the Asmaka
king mentioned in an inscription in Cave XXVI at Ajanta, while Buhler thought that it meant the lord
of gods Indra The reading Devardja-smur-Harisheno, given here for the first time, shotvs clearly that
this DBvaraja was none other than the Vakataka king Devasena, and Ws son was the same as Harishena.

The cave was thus excavated during the reign of Harishena, not of Devasena. ....

2 This son was probably \"arahadeva who is mentioned in the large Vakataka inscription in
Cave XVI at Ajanta as the successor of Hastibhoja and minister of Harishena. Cf. Prithiviraja used

inthesenseofPrithivIshenalinNo. 14, line 19, above,p.66. „ ■ , - i

3 Perhaps this verse stated that of the numerous sons of Hastibhoja, Harishena selected
Varahadeva for the post of his Prime Minister.

Xo. 27: Plate XXVII

INSCRIPTION IN AJANTA CAVE XVH

T hough the present inscription had been copied several times before^ the first attempt
to edit it w as that of Dr. Bhau Daji. He personally copied this and other inscriptions at
/Xjanta in February 1863, and submitted his papers on them to the Bombay Branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society on the 10th July 18632. He published an eye-copy of the epigraph
together with a transcript and a sort of English translation in the Journal of the Society
\'ol. VII, pp. 53 f. He read the names of nine princes, of whom four, viz., Dhritarashtra,
Harisamba, Saurisamba and Ravisamba, he thought, belonged to one dynasty and the
remaining five, whose names he read as Upendragupta, Skacha, Xiladasa, Skacha and
Krishnadasa3, to another. In line 13 he read Anitja as the name of a minister^ w'ho, he
thought, probably served Ravisamba. Dr. Bhau Daji failed to notice that Harishena,
mentioned in line 2 1 , was identical with the homonymous \ akataka king named in the
inscription in Ca\c X\'I at AJanta. About the general purport of the epigraph and the
location of the kingdom or capitals of these princes he offered no remarks.

The inscription was next edited, with an introductory note and a translation, but
without any facsimile, by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji in the Inscriptions from the Cave-Temples
of Western India 'Archaeological Survey of XYestern India), (1881), pp. 73 f. The Pandit
deciphered the record with his usual skill and thoroughness. He, for the first time, gave
correct!)- the names of the following ten princes, all of whom, according to him belonged
to the same ro\al family and ruled o\er Asmaka: — Dhritarashtra, Harisamba, Saurisamba,
Upendragupta, Agaja or Kacha I, Bhikshudasa, Xiladasa, Kacha II, Krishnadasa and Ravi-
samba. Again, he drew- attention to the name of the king Harishena, whom he identified
with the X'akataka prince of that name and to whom, he thought, this Asmaka family might
have been subordinate. Further, from the fragmentary phrases of verse 12, Bhagvanlal
conjectured that the elder son of Krishnadasa whose name is obliterated murdered his
brother Ravisamba, but afterwards repented. The vihdra where the present inscription is
incised A\as constructed either by this king or his minister whose name Bhagvanlal read as
Achintja. As regards the dale of the inscription, he thought that it belonged to the same
age as that in Ca\e XVI which \vas incised in characters ‘ current in Ghhattisgarh District
and the countr\- round the Bangahga about the 5th and 6th century A.D. '

The epigraph was next edited with a lithograph and a translation by Dr. G. Bxihler
in the Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV (1883), 128 f. and PI. Ivi. The lithograph
was made from a facsimile prepared by Pandit Bhag\ anlal Indraji and appears to have been
considerabl)' worked up by hand. Dr. Biihler's tianscript does not differ much from Pandit
BhagA-anlal’s. He ga\ e the same names of princes, but he corrected the Pandit’s statement
about the purport of verse 12. He showed that the correct meaning of the verse was that
the )'ounger brother perished suddenly b)- an accident or died of a disease. The next verse,

1 J..1..S.^.. \’ol. V. p. 554; J.B.B.R.A.S., \ ol. MI, pp. 55 f.

'^j.B.B.R.A.S., \ ol. VII, pp. 53 f.

3The correct names Kacha (I), Xiladasa, Kacha (II) were given for the first time bv Pandit
Bhagvanlal.

shown below, no minister is named here. The word sachka which occurs in verse 13 has
misled all previous editors. For its correct meaning, see p. 122, n 3, below.

IXSCRIPTIOX IX AJAXTA CAVE XVII

121

according to him, mentioned the ruling king's minister Achitya who donated the vihara.
Dr. Biihler referred the inscription to the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century

A.C.

The record was finally edited by me from an excellent inked estampage supplied by
the Government Epigraphist for India. It was published with a translation and a mechanical
facsimile in the Hyderabad Archaeological Series, Xo. 15. It is edited here from the same
facsimile.

The inscription is engraved on a side wall outside the verandah in Cave XVII at Ajan^
in the former Hyderabad State. It has suffered much by exposure to weather. Several
aksharas in the beginning of each line on the left have been completely destroyed by rain-
water trickling over them. Besides, a few aksharas here and there ha\e become illegible.
The general purport of the inscription can, however, be made out without much difficulty.

The inscription covers a space 4' broad and 4' 5" high. The characters are of the box-
headed variety of the southern alphabets. The following peculiarities may be noted; —
The length of the medial i is shown by a curling cur\ e which is generally turned to the left
as in marlchi- line 20 and nyavivisat, line 26, but in some cases the curve is turned to the
right as in pradlpta-, line G and vyavivridhat, line 13; the medial au is bipartite as in kdnta-
rupau, line 8; A' is cursive in prakdm-, line 26; ch and v are in some cases indistinguishable;
see marichi-, line 20 and ravir-, line 29; rfin Bhikshudasa line 5, a.nd pradipta-, line 6 is angular.
The sign for the jihvdmiiliya occurs in lines 1, 4 and 6, and that for the iipadhmdnlya in lines
1 1 and 13. The language is Sanskrit and the whole record is metrically composed. There are
twenty-nine verses in all, none of which is numbered. Each line of the inscription contains one
complete verse. The completion of the first hemistich is in some cases marked by a horizontal
stroke and that of a whole verse by two \ crtical strokes. As for orthography, we may
note that the consonant following r is generally reduplicated; see karmma 7 id, line 1; klrtti-,
line 5 etc.; the visarga is correctly omitted in bhuva stupa- in line 22 in accordance with a
vdrttika on Panini \TII, 3, 36, but the final n is wrongly changed to anusvdra in anfichivdni,
line 18.

As shown below, the inscription \\as caused to be incised by a prince whose name
is now unfortunately lost, but who was probably ruling over Khandesh as a feudatory of the
Vakataka Emperor Harishena. The object of it is to record the excavation, by tliis
princei, of the vihara cave XVII and the gandhakuti Ca\e XIX^ at Ajanta. The present
inscription may therefore be referred to the end of fifth century A.C. It is of the same
age as the inscription in Ca\ e X\T, ^vhich also belongs to the reign of the same \^akataka
Emperor Harishena.

Owing to the destruction of a considerable portion on the left, the inscription does
not admit of a detailed analysis. The gaps in the text are required to be filled in some
places by conjecture. The record opens ^vith an obeisance to the sage (Buddha), \vho is
described as a thunderbolt to the tree of worldly existence. The poet then proceeds to give
the following pedigree of the donor of the I ihdra Ca\ e: —

1 All previous editors of the present inscription, ^vho were mi.slcd by the word suchiva occurring in
line 13, thought that this cave also, like Cave X\"I, was caused to be excavated by a minister. For the
correct interpretation of the verse see below, p. 122.

2 Bhagvanlal thought that the gandhakuti mentioned in v. 27 was the small Cave XVIII from which
the image which was movable had been removed. See hiscriptions etc., p. 76, n. 2. The description,
however, clearly refers to the Chaitya Cave XIX which is actually situated to the west of Cave XVII.

IXSCRIPTIOXS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

•22

(Name lost)

(son)

Dhrltarashtra

I son ?)

Harisamba

, (son)

Saurisamba

(son?)

Upendragupta

younger son)

Kacha I

"son?) ^

Bhikshudasa

. !

son)

Niladasa

(son ?)

Kacha 11

, !

{ son)

Krishnadasa

■^sons)

. ^ . L

(Name lost) Ravisamba

The name of the founder of the famih- is now lost, but from the description in verse 2,
it seems to have been one signifying ‘Protector of men'h The relation of Harisamba,
Upendragupta, Bhikshudasa and Kacha (II) to their predecessors is not specified in the
preserv ed portion of the inscription. About Kacha I we are told that he was a younger son
of his father Upendragupta, but why his elder brother did not succeed to the throne is not
stated.

Krishnadasa married a princess whose name also is unfortunately uncertain^. He
had from her two sons who are said to have resembled Pradyumna and Samba, the well-
known sons of the epic hero Krishna. The name of the elder son has not been preserved,
but the younger was called Ravisamba. The elder son succeeded to the throne. The two
brothers conquered Asmaka and other countries and lived happily together, with increasing
fraternal love and fame. After some time Ravisamba met with premature death, which,
the poet says, was due to his deeds in former lives. The elder brother, being overwhelmed
with sorrow and convinced of the transitoriness of worldly existence^, began to lead a pious

1 The verse does not state that he was the son of a king as Bhagc anlal supposed. See Inscriptions
etc., p. 73.

2Bhau Daji read the name of the queen as Amacliandra, and Biihler as Suchandrd, but neither of
these readings is supported by the facsimile. The correct reading appears to be Atichandra.

3 This is the correct meaning of verse 13 •Anitya-samjnd-sachivas^tatah pararh lyavivridhat^pUTiya-mahd-
mahiniham. Anitya-safnjnd (Pali, anichcha-sanfia) is mentioned in the Uddna as a subject of meditation.
There is no reference to any minister here.

INSCRIPTION IN AJANTA CAVE XVII

123

life. He waited upon saintly persons known for their learning, charity, compassion and
other virtues and imitated in his actions righteous kings. He bestowed munificent gifts on
suppliants and being moved by compassion, released from bondage terrified persons by spend-
ing large amounts for the purpose. Realising that wealth causes an obstacle in the attain-
ment of siddhi by meditation on the Omniscient (Buddha) , he adorned the earth with stupas
and vihdras, and delighted suppliants with liberal gifts, while Harishena, the moon among
kings, was protecting the earth. He also caused the excellent monolith mandapa containing
the chaitya of the Buddha to be excavated in the form of the present Cave XVII on a beauti-
ful spur of the Sahya mountain. He provided it with a water cistern and caused a noble
gandhakutl^ to be excavated to the west of it in another part of the same hill. The last
verse (29) expresses the hope that the mandapa would cause the well-being of good people as
long as the sun continues to dispel darkness with its rays.

The foregoing account of the inscription^ must have shown that the last of these
kings whose name is unfortunately lost was a contemporary and probably a feudatory of the
Vakataka Emperor Harishena. He was preceded by ten other princes. The founder
of the family whose name has not been preserved may, therefore, have been reigning in the
period from circa 275 to 300 A.C.

From the mention of Asmaka in v. 10 of the present inscription Pandit Bhagvanlal
conjectured that these princes were ruling over Asmaka. The verse, however, plainly
shows that Asmaka was one of the countries raided by these princes ; it was not their home-
land. From the Suttanipdta we learn that the Asmakas were settled in the vicinity
of the Godavari and that their country bordered on that of the Mulakas^. The Suttanipdta
further states that the disciples of the Brahmana Bav^ari who was living on the bank of the
Godavari in the country of Asmaka, proceeded to North India via Pratishthana (modern
Paithan), the capital of Mulaka.^ Asmaka, therefore, appears to have been situated to the
south of the Godavari and probably comprised parts of the Ahmednagar and Bhir District.
The country of Asmaka thus lay to the south of Ajanta and was different from Khandesh
which lay to the north of it.

The ancient name of Khandesh seems to have been Rishika. Varahamihira places
Rishika in the southern division. In the Rdmaydria Rishika is grouped with Vidarbha
among the countries of the south which Sugri\ a asked monkeys to visit in search of Sitah
In the Mahdbhdrata also Rishika is coupled with VidarbhaS. Elsewhere the epic mentions
Rishika and Asmaka among the countries conquered by Karna.6 In the Dahkurndracharita
the ruler of Rishika is said to have been, like that of Asmaka, a feudatory of the king of
Vidarbha^. The Nasik cave inscription of Pulumavi mentions Asika (Sanskrit, Rishika) toge-
ther with Asaka (Sanskrit, Asmaka) and Mulaka among the countries governed by Pulumavi’s
father Gautamiputra Satakarni^. All these references show that Rishika was contiguous to
Asmaka, Vidarbha and Mulaka. The only country which answers to this geograpliical
position is Khandesh; for it is bounded on the east by Berar (ancient Vidarbha), and on the

^ This is the Chaitya Cave XIX, about the age of which there was much uncertainty.
~ Suttanipata, Parayanavaggo, vatthugatha, 5, 2.

^Ibid., v. 16.

‘^Ramayana (Nirnayasagar ed.), Kishkindhakanda, v. 10.

^Mahdbhdrata (Chitrasala Press ed.), Bhishmaparvan adhyaya 9, v. 64.

^ Ibid., Karnaparv'an, adhyaya 8, v. 20.

T Dasakumdracharita (Bom. Sanskrit Series), p. 138.

^Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 60 f.

124

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

south by the Aurangabad District i ancient Alulaka). South of Mulaka lay Asmaka (modern
Ahmadnagar and Bhir districts). The district obtained its modern name Khandesh in
much later times h

The royal family described in the present inscription, which rose to power in the second
half of the third centurv' A.C., must hat e first owed allegiance to the Abhiras who succeeded
the Satavahanas as an Imperial power in the Deccan^. After the fall of the Abhiras, they
seem to have transferred their allegiance to the Vakatakas. A fragmentary verse in the
adjoining Cave X\T at Ajanta states that the Vakataka Emperor Harishena either raided
or exacted tribute from Trikuta, which comprised the territory round Nasik. Khandesh
which lay between Vidarbha and Trikuta must have likewise submitted to the Vakatakas.
In fact, the present inscription mentions the Vakataka Emperor Harishena in a manner
which indicates that he was the lord paramount of this royal family. The Dasakuindracharita
gives in the eighth Lchchhvdsa, a narrative which seems to have had a historical basis^. As
shown elsewhere, it reflects the last period of Vakataka rule, idz., the reign of Harishena’s
son. The narrative mentions the ruler of Rishika (modern Khandesh where this royal family
tvas reigning) as a feudatory' of the Emperor of Vidarbha. This is a further indication
that this royal family owned the suzerainty of the Vakatakas.

\\ e have no records of any successors of Krishnadasa’s son, w ho, as we have seen, was
a contemporary of the Vakataka Emperor Harishena. The dynasty appears to have been
overthrowm by the Kalachuris of Mahishmati who occupied Northern Maharashtra after
the downfall of the X akatakas. Hoards of the silver coins (rupakas) of Krishnaraja, the
founder of the Kalachuri power, have been found both in the Nasik District and Berar^,
which border Khandesh on the west and the east respectively. A coin of the same king
has recently been reported from Nandurbar in the Khandesh District.

Text^

’JRfW'H iR'd ^ X ^ 9 ||[^||*]

3 — ^ ilVt I I : [l*]

II [311*]

1 The pre.sent name of Khandesh is said to have been given to the district in Musalman times to
suit the title of Khan conferred on the Faruki kings by Ahmad I of Gujarat. E.H.D., p. 138.

2 The grants of three other kings of Khandesh are dated in the Abhira era. A.B.O R I Vol XXV

pp. 98 f. ; C. /. /., Vol. IV, pp. 5-12. , . * ,

3 Introduction, above, pp. x.xxii f.

^The coins of Krishnaraja were discovered at Devlana near Nasik. Bom Gaz Vol I nt ii
p. 13. ; . , ,

5 A hoard of 1600 coins was discovered at Dhamori in Berar.

6 From the impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist.

^Both Bhagvanlal and Buhler read but the akshara preceding m is certainly S, and

there is little doubt that the whole expression was The poet has used SRifir again in Verse

12 below.

8 Buhler read but the subscript m of rmma is clear in the facsimile.

^ Metre : Vaihsastha.

lOBhagi^anlalread^JJTT which will hardly suit the context. Buhler read the preceding akshara
is Read JTTRT

Metre: Upajati.

12 Metre of verses 3-7: Aupachchhandadka,

P. L 0.».

INSCRIPTION IN AJANTA CAVE XVII

125

f^fTq'XTT^ 5r+|iHHl II [i'll*]

5 ta^RT: [l*] Tf^TT ^1%

TTRT TqfcRWFT ^cfl TVrfT'RT II [vji*]

6 t;] ^rferlTF^ T^'TRT^frT; [l*]TqTT^ ^

^<?ic|>|^fd^4^T TffT II [^Jl*]

7 ■^’’S+tN'Aid^^i I [i*] frm-

=^fT)TT'J|ird^-sil'^ II [V3ll*]

g [3T*]fcSRq-^?fT^ ( m [l*] rTFTt ^

II [=;!!*]

g ___ — ______ [i*] q-Trf^qrwit^ smt

wwn: fg:^ [7;*]fd^T^#frFT^ ii [^ii*]

_______________ J-,*j

(^)[T]f^W‘ TTR^?^fg^TTTTl%^‘- II [?o|l*]

___ — _-_ ^ [l*] fqq^til^i^-

T^xM d I H g 1 H f^^cfli'Ml [??n*]

J2 - [3fqi7T]|iV-:trfq-^^T^rT: [l*] 5 '<l :

TTW^fT?TTT^[R]‘® II

1 Bhagvanlal read here. Blihler also read the second akshara as but the facsimile shows the
reading to be correct.

2 Bhagvanlal doubtfully read ^ 3 f: and gave as a possible reading. Biihler admitted that
was clear. The intended word may be or possibly

3 Bhagvanlal and, following him, Buhler read but the second akshara is clearly fr, as its curve

is not closed at the bottom. The preceding akshara is probably

^Bhagvanlal omitted the akshara preceding^!; but Buhler read the name as The akshaia
preceding does not, however, appear like 5 and has, besides, a curve at the top. The repetition
of in the verse suggests that the name of the queen ended in and may have been sriT^PST.

5 These three aksharas were read by me for the first time. The description is evidently suggested
by the name Atichandrd •

^ Metre: Indravajrd (or Upajdti).

^ This expressic ' has been variously read. Bhau Daji read it as BhagvanlaFs

reading was which Blihler changed into ^?Th 1 The facsimile will

show that the correct reading is as given above.

2 Bhau Daji first read the name as and the reading has been adopted by subsequent editors.

The first akshara has a somewhat peculiar form, but in vie^v of the names Harisdmba and Saurisdmba
occurring in v. 3, it is not unlikely that the intended name was Rovisdmba.

^ Metre: Upojdti,

These four aksharas read by me for the first time are almost certain.

Bhagvanlal and Buhler read

12 Aletre of verses 10-13: Vamsastha,

1^ These seven aksharas arc almost certain.

l^Bhau Daji and Bhagvanlal read which is ungrammatical. The correct reading was

first given by Buhler.

1^ This word is completed here for the first time.

16 Bhau Daji read ^ ^ Pfc^d l ^Tf^ :, while Bhagvanlal gave only ^ Buhler suggested

3 TT^qcr*’*^pT:. The akshara following ^ is undoubtedly See the form of ^ in ^njf^TTr^^TPT in

line 9 above. The following aksharas also are not very doubtful, is repeated in the next verse.

126

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES

20
21
22

[i*] 3ii%cTOrra^-2

^xTT II [nil*]

WST0NUilf^ilf4’Htl=l^ II [ups'll*]

jr-- ^T^PT [l*]

?r«l'Rf^dTH^^‘^ II [nil*]

3T7ij-|f^i>Tcfi-^i^ I

II [nil*]

- ,r [qT]j^[jr]fT^TreiTT [i*]

5RPTT ^ tdn+ J|td: II [?.9ll*]

j-jncj #tfcr ^

fT?[T] II [^H*]

^ -^--,r TOf^r TO [i*] ^5^?r¥R5rfapiprf?rfe

TOPftT'TRt"^ fT>TTR^:" II [nn*]

___________ ___ [^*]PVTr <=^q-I f«nT>TT[T*]‘^[l *]

P^TO#?^7RTO3i TO^5^rTOR‘^ 1 1 [ X o 1 1 *]

^ [i*] qfcqr^ZTfd'^^

^frro ffTOifrfq’ TOTTnT‘®ii [^ui*]

___ ,r--- 5TcJT-^d'i'JA|<iri*|; [,*] ^ ^17

if^TOdSlil 1 [x^ll*] "

1 This expression was completely read for the first time by me.

- This expression has been read variously, viz., srPtc^d^lldR'l- (Bhau Daji), 3tf%^?rnr^-
(Bhagvanlal) and (Buhler). The second Sfiffy is undoubtedly f^T , and the fifth ^r, the

upturned cur\ e of the medial d being unmistakable. The correct reading is therefore the one given
by Bhau Daji, though his interpretation was wrong.

3 Metre of verses 14 and 15: Upajdti.

All previous editors read but the reading is not supported by the facsimile and

gives no good sense. The third akshara is clearly and the fourth probably f^. The only possible
reading appears to be ^TT-'^nTfwR'^.

^ Bh au Daji read 3t:TTTf«TW:Tq#r3nT-, but Bhagvanlal omitted the second nkshara, while BUhler gave
3TTff4TWTf«T3Pf which does not, however, suit the metre. The aksharas are quite unmistakable here.

^ Metre of vv. 16 and 17: — Indravajrd (or Upajdti).

7 Bhagvanlal read and Buhler, but neither of these suits the context. Besides,

the akshara before Rr is clearly #, not =#, thus showing the' correct reading to be as given above.

8 Read

9 Metre: Vamsiastha.

10 Bhau Daji read ?Tc5TTf>T‘irRrf^T, and Bhagvanlal, H?3TTf»T-<?RTffrWT- The conte.xt shows that this
verse gives the words of the parrot, pointing out the obstacles of wealth in the attainment of the highest
goal.

11 Metre: Indravajrd (or Upajdti).

1“ Bhagvanlal read RRWfwq^R:, w hile Buhler was certain only about the aksharas ^ and rfR:. The
subscript member of the first legible akshara is clearly and the use of 3rpR>T suggested that the expres-
sion ended in the ablative, though the final q; is not now legible.

13 Bhagv-anlal read which Buhler corrected into rr^fRpT:. The facsimile leaves no doubt

that Biihler’s reading is correct.

Metre : Uptndravajrd or Upajdti,

i 5 There is a redundant vertical stroke after

Metre: Aupachchhandasika.

3 36 cmandation is unnecessary as the visarga is dropped by the Vdrttika on Panini VIII,

18 Metre of verses 22 and 23: Indravajrd (or Upajdti).

INSCRIPTION IN AJANTA CAVE XVII

127

23 [ I*] 1%TrTr^fTqT

^irqr^’ ii [^,^ii*]

24 ----- |-| * j ^ ^q--

II [^Vll*]

2 ^ [l*] STTOrf^^^RFTT^-^

RFTRRf^: TFTPTT'^^TWTR II [\V\^]

2g _ j-lHcj

^fl^^riTTT^TT^rf^RR II [^^11*]

H 4Y+ << < I l< I R 11 [^^11*]

28 ^ : ] [l*] RTP^^TT-^

WR^RT II [k^W*]

2g Trover: [i*]

?Rlt II [k^II*]

TranslationI*^

(Verse 1). Having bowed to the sage (Buddha) who has completely mastered the three
lores and who is a thunderbolt i * to the tree of worldly existence, .... I will set forth a
deseription of the exeellences of the donor of the Vihdra, whose deeds are pure.

(V. 2). To the lord of man (named ), who wore a parasol {over his head) and

who made his name significant by the protection of the people, was born a son, Dhritarash-
tra by name, who had a white parasol.

(V. 3). [The son] of that king was Harisamba, whose face was lovely as

a lotus and the moon. Again, the son of that king was king Saurisamba, endowed with
spotless beauty.

(V. 4). The resplendent Upendragupta of wide-spread fame [was begotten]

by him. Then he had a younger son who became well-known as king Kacha (I).

(V. 5). [From him was descended] Bhikshudasa in order to deposit his

splendour and glory [on the earth.] A son of that lord of men was a king named Niladasa,
renowned on the earth.

1 Bhau Daji read as here, but Bhagvanlal proposed to read which does not^ how-

ever, make a good sense. Buhler omitted two aksharas before

2 This hemistich was first completely read by me. Previous editors had missed the interesting
refers to the Ajanta hill as ^T^R.

3 Metre of verses 24-27: Upajdii.

All previous editors read here, but the conjunct consonant after T is clearly ^ not

in the sense of a gift occurs in some records of the period.

5 Previous readings of this expression were frr^RWTTT (Bhaii Daji and Buhler) and
(Buhler). The curve on the first appears to have been cancelled. The following akshara must
be read as ^T. It is not

^ Bhagvanlal read but the facsimile does not show an aniisvdra on

7 Bhau DajPs incorrect reading has been repeated by both Bhagvanlal and Buhler.

It involves tautology. With the reading given above, compare in verse 19 above.

^ Metre of verses 28 and 29: Vainsastha.

^Bhau Daji correctly read but BhagvanlaPs misreading was repeated by Buhler,

to In this translation I have derived some help from Dr. Buhler’s rendering, though I have differed
from him in the interpretation of some passages.

tt The poet is fond of using asani (a thunderbolt) in the sense of an instrument of destruction. See
V. 12. below.

128

INSCRIPTIONS OF MINISTERS .\ND FEUDATORIES

\’. 6j. His son of brilliant fame became well known as Kacha (II). Then

to that king was born Krishnadasa, who augmented the splendour of {his) race and line.

(V. 7). His wife was Atichandra,’, the daughter {of) clad in garments as

white as the rays of the moon, whose face resembled the full moon and whose ornaments were
modesty and virtuous conduct.

8-9). [He] obtained {her) who brightened the land in the form of suppliants^. . . .
From her he had two sons resembling Pradyumna and Samba, who had longish, lotus-like

eyes and lovely bodies like burnished gold The elder {of them) bore the title of a king,

wliile the second bore the appellation Ravisamba.

(Y. 10). Having subjugated prosperous countries such as Asmaka [the two

princes] whose prowess had become fruitful, shone like the sun and the moon.

( V. 11). \Vhile they, whose honour was dependent on and whose creeper-

like affection and glory had grown \'er)' much, were living always in concord and happiness, —

(Y. 12). [Fate] whose decree is not to be evaded even by superhuman beings

and whose dread power was produced by the deeds done in a previous life^, announced
the thunderbolt of impermanence in the case of the younger {brother).

I V. 13). [Having oversome] as if with firmness, the diseases of the body and the

mind, [the elder brother] , having always the consciousness of transience,^ made

thereafter the great tree of religious merit grow.

(\f 14). He served those^ who . . . ., who possessed great learning, liberality,-
compassion, contentment, friendship, forgiveness, courage and wisdom, and who felt
pleased with ....

i V. 15j. He, who was of pure conduct, habitually imitated in his deeds honourable
kings of noble conduct

16). He made The suppliants being satisfied {with gifts) spread, in

the same way, the fame of other suppliants^.

1 Biihlcr restored the queen's name as Suchandra. That the name ended in chandra is certain, but
the first part of it was probably ati, rather than su. See above, p. 125, n. 4.

- The description is probably suggested by the queen’s name Atichandra (one who has surpassed
the moon).

3 Bhagvanlal took this as the description of the elder brother who. he thought, murdered the
\ ounger brother, but Biihler rightly inferred that the meaning of the verse was that the younger brother
perished suddenly by an accident or died of a disease.

“t The use of the word sachiia in anitya-samjhd-sachhah has misled all previous editors. They took
anitya, achintya or achiiya as the name of the minister who, they thought, had donated the Vihdra.' But
why the minister should come in abruptly here has not been stated. The Amarakosha gives two senses
oi sachiva: (i) a minister, and (ii) an associate. Cf. Mantri sahayah sachivau {Amarakosha, 111, 207).
At the end of a compound, sachiva conveys the sense of ‘assisted by’ or ‘provided with’ (Monier-
Williams). To illustrate this sense the St. Petersberg Dictionary cites the follow ing passage from Sankara’s
Bhashya on the Chhdndogya Upanishd (1,2) — doshavad-ghrana-sachivatvat viddha ghraiia-devata. Anitya-
sarnjna-sachitali, therefore, means that the elder brother was always conscious of the transitoriness of life.
Anitya-samjnd (Pali, anichcha-sarind) is mentioned in Buddhist literature as an object of meditation
which destroys the sense of ahahkdra (Pali, asmi-mdna). Cf. anichcha-sanna bhavetabba asmi-mana-
samugghataya (Udana, IV, 1). The verse therefore states that the elder brother, being always mindful
of the impermanence of existence, engaged himself in the acquisition of religious merit. The donor of
the Vihdra was this elder brother of Ravisamba, not his minister.

5 These were probably Buddhist monks.

6 The meaning of the verse seems to be that the king bestowed so much wealth on suppliants that
they themselves made munificent gifts to others which made them famous.

INSCRIPTION IN AJANTA CA\'E XVII

129

(V. 17). He released by the power of the expediture of wealth .... whose eyes
were suffused through fear, as though they were his [own) dear sonsh

(V. 18). Even he who had been treated affectionately like a son repeated, like a
knowing human being, the excellent and pure thoughts in his heart2.

(V. 19). “ (Rich persons) .... failed to attain, because of their wealth, the

siddhi rightly so called {obtainable) by devout meditation on the Omniscient (Buddha) ”3.

(V. 20) . He adorned the whole world by the light of his fame, bright like the rays

of the moon .... by collecting materials

(V. 21). While that moon among the princes, Harishena, whose face resembles a

lotus and the moon, and who does what is bcndicial for [his] subjeets is protceting the

earth.

(V. 22). He, who has a very mar\ellous store of merit adorned the earth

with Stupas and Vihdras, and caused the joy of suppliants by conferring gifts {on them).

(V. 23). On a spur of the Sahya [mountain), looking beautiful tvith clouds, wliich,
with the confused noise of always pass over it [as if) to provide it tvith a canopy^.

(V. 24). [He excavated] this monolithic excellent Hall, containing within it a
of the king of ascetics (i.e., of the Buddha) and possessing the qualities of stateliness

(V. 25). Having expended abundant [wealth], he caused to be made this donated
[//a//] which is almost measureless and which cannot be even imagined by little-souled men ....

(V. 26). He caused to be dug [near it) a large cistern pleasing to the eyes and filled
with sweet, light, clear, cold and copious water

(V. 27) delightful to the eyes and the mind. In another part of it in the

west he caused to be made a grand Gandhakuti^.

(V. 28). May all the blessings desired for the attainment of siddhi caused by devout
meditation on the lord of sages (i.e. Buddha) attend him*^, who in all his deeds strives for the
welfare of the people !

(V. 29) . May this Hall out of affection cause the attainment of w cll-being

by good people as long as the sun dispels darkness by its rays!

1 This seems to refer to the release from bondage of animals as well as human beings. Compare
the fifth Pillar Edict of Asoka, which interdicts the capture of animals in certain seasons of the year.

2 Bhagvanlal, being probably misled by the word vadk)a, wholly misunderstood the purport cf the
verse and translated it as follows: — ‘ [The minister] who, though he knew that the king had acquired in

his heart a conscience purified from murderous tendencies, did not disclose ’ Bvihlcr thought

that the text was corrupt here and took the sense to be that even learned men had to acknowledge the
minister’s purity of heart. Both these renderings are incorrect. The verse probably refers to a
domesticated parrot kept in the palace, which, like a knowing human being [vidan-nrivat), repeated the
thoughts in the prince’s heart.

3 These are probably the words uttered by the parrot. They point out the obstacle caused by wealth
in the attainment of siddhi. Biihler, who did not risk a translation, thought that the general sense of
the verse was that misfortunes fled [apeytih) from the pious minister, being overcome by his supplications
[pranidhdna) addressed to Buddha [sarvajnabhdia). This is wide of the mark.

4 Biihler has omitted this verse completely in his translation.

5 Bhagvanlal thought that the Gandhakuti was Cave XVIII, from which an image of the Buddha
had been removed. BUhler’s rendering ‘ on the other side of this (Buddha’s) body on the left ’ is
obviously incorrect. The reference is undoubtedly to the Chaitya Cave XIX, which actually lies to
the west of Cave XVII.

6 This probably refers to the prince who caused Cave XVTI to be excavated.

INDEX

The Arabic numerals refer to the pages of the Texts and Translations, and the Roman numerals to those of the Introduction;
n* after a numeral to foot-notes. The following other abbreviations also have been used:— az/. —author; 5r. =Brahmana; ca. =capital;
cA.— chief; a. —city; ro.=country; cow. —commentator; f/h ^district; = dynasty ; =engraver; r/?. = epithet ;/.= female ; /ci/.=
feudatory; ^.=king; /.^locality; w. — male; m/rt. = minister; mo. ^mountain; n. =name; off. = officer; pr. = prince; q. — queen; n. =river;
i:. 3 . =same as; = territorial division; =Lemple; h7.=iitie; — town; t/. =viliage; uk.—woiV.

Abhinavagupla, Sanskrit au.,
Abhira, dy.

Achalapura, /n.,

Acharya, scribe^
addhaka, ‘ a half*

Adhirdja, tit.-,

Adhyaksha, ‘ Head of a department
Adityasena, Later Gupta k.,
A<ioni,w.,

Agnishtorria, Vedic sacrifice,
agrahdra, ‘ a grant of land* ,
Agra-mahishi, * Crowned Queen*,
dhdra, t. d.,
ai, initial,

Ajakarna, vi.,

Ajangaon, vi.,

Ajanta, paintings at . .

Ajanta Cave X\T,

Ajania Cave XVII,

Ajanta Cave XIX,

Iv.

124, xvii, xix.
29, xxxiii n.
32, 64, 68.

. . 95 w. I

xix. j
xxxvii. ■

xvii.

10, 14, 95, 98, xvi, xix n.

xxxix.
xxxvii, xliv.
6, 7, 9, 1 1, 14, xxxie.

. . 33, 69.
64, 65, 68.
65.
xlvi-iii.

112, xli, xlv, xlvi, Ixv.
120, 121 and xlii, xlv-xlvii, Ixv, Ixix.

xl i i , xlv, xlvi , Ixv , Ixxii i .

Ajanta Cave Inscription of \arahade^a. 9o, 96, 103 f., i.,

Ajanta Cave XVII, Inscription in,
Ajatas'atru, k. of Magadha,
Ajjhitabhaparika, Vdkdlaka, q., ..

Ajhapti, s.a. DTdaka, off.,
Akaspadda, donated vi.,

Alaka, ci..

iii, xxix, xxxi-xxxix, liv.

120 f.

Ixeii, Ixxii.
80, 81, XXV, xxxvii.

98, x.xxviii.
94, 96, 98.
35.

.'Mlahabad pillar inscription of Sainudragupta, 3, 6 h., xxi, lui.

dmalaka, a kind of finial, •• Ixxiii,

Amalakl 'ekdda'si, . . * • * ' ’ * •

. - / . . . . xiv, xl.

Amaravati,

Amla, w.,.. •• * ■ . .41,65.

Anandavardhana, Sanskiit au.,

Analli, s.a. Ajhapli, off., ■■ ■■ 97 n., 98 «.

Andhra, to., 106, 107, 110, xix, x.xii, xxxt, xxxui.

Andhra, dy., >• •* '* 1

ahsada, ‘ an aanlet , . .

, f - 1 . . . . . Ixii.

Angora, vi., • • ■ • > ' ^nQ

anilya-sanjua, ‘consciousness of transitorincss’, 122/;., 120 «•/ 1^» «-

Anjanavataka, sm. Anjanvadl, n
Anjanvadi, ui..

anlardla, * ante-chambo ,
antardvasdka, * a lower garment ,
antafiyaka, ‘ a lower gannenl ,
anuldma marriage
Aparanta, s,a,, North Kohkat>,
apara-palja, "western divinon*,
Apsaras, flying, a painting of
Apturyama, Vedic sacrifice,
Aramaka, vi.,

39, 40, 42.
40.

Ixxi, Ixxv,
Ixix.
xlvii.
xliv.
107.
48, 49, 51.
Ixvii.

10, 14, 15, 98, xvi, xix.
. . 43, 44, 46, xxxiv.

Arammi, /.,

. . 43, 44, 46, xxxiv.

Arammi-iajya, t.d., . .

. . 64, 65, 68, xxxiv.

Arang plates of BhTmasena,

83, 84, XX n., xxvi, xxxi.

Arahg plates of Maha-Jayaraja,

. . xxxiv.

ardhd uka, ‘ a lower garment

xlvii, Ixx.

Ar* -orf, vi.,

.' thapati, j\,'ala k., . .

90 xxvii and n., xxxvii n.

irthasdstra, Sanshit wk. of Kaufilya,

84, xxxix.

Arvi, vl., . .

44.

Aryavaita, " Xorth India*,

3, xxi and n.

Asaka, s.a., Asmaka, co.,

123.

Asi-bhukti, t.d..

. . 17, 81, 21, XXXV.

Asika, s.a., Rishika, co.,

123.

Asmaka, co., 1 12 and n., 1 14, 120, 122, 123, 128,xxxand «.,xxxii.

Asoka, Alaurya k., .. 2,

3, 39, xix n., xxi, xxxvii i.

Abvaghusha, Sanskrit poet.

Ixviii.

Asvamedha, Vedic sacrifice,

10, 14, 95, 98, V, x\d, xix, xx,
xxii xxxiii, xl.

AsVatthakhetaka, vi., . .

58, 59, 61, XXXV, xli.

Asvatthanagara, tn., ..

. . 34, 35, 37, XXXV.

Atharvanika-charana, s.a. Atharvavc<la, . . . . 99.

Atharvaveda,

xlv.

Atichandra, q..

122 n,, 128.

Atiratra, I ^dic sacrifice.

10, 14, xvi, xix.

Atyagnishtoma, Vedic sac/ficc,

xix n.

au, initial,

32.

au, medial, bipartite, 10,33,48,57,63,69, 73,76,93,103,121.

Avanti, s.a. Western ^lalava, co.,

106, 107, 110, ix, xxxi.

Avanlisundaukathd, Sanshit wk..

xxxiii n., liv, Ivii, Iviii.

Avantisiindaukathdsdia, Sanshit wk.,

. . xxxiii fi.

Avidheya, Early Rdshtrakuta k., .

XXV

b, square in form, . -

28, 37, 43 48.

b, with a notch in the left limb,

28, 33, 37, 43, 48.

b, without a notch in the left limb.

57.

b, subscript,

48.

Badami, ca.,

. . xxxiii.

Badarikagraina, t'h, ..

64, 65, 68.

Badgaon, vi..

29.

BahmanT, vi.,

29.

Bahuribandh, vi.,

Ixii.

Balaghat tn. ,

. . 69, 79.

Balaghat plates of Prithi\5shena 11,

77, 79f.,83, 89, 90, xxv, xxvii.

Bamhanl, ii.,

82, 83, xxxiv.

Bamham plates of Bharatabala 8!

2 f., 90, 91 n., xxv, xxvi, xxxix.

Bana, Sanskrit au.,

. . i, Iviii,

Bandhogadh, foit.,

xxvi, Ixiii.

Bappa, oji,

29, 32, xxxviii, xlv.

27.

39.

Bapparya, Br. donee, . .

Bapparya, Br. donee, . •

Bappuka, Buddhist monk,

. . Ixviii.

132

INDEX

Buddha, . .
Buddha, image of,

Baiah plate of Bhujadcva, .. .. 17.

tri., .. *. 93,96.

Ba,im pUtfs of Vindhyaiakti II, 89, 102 and 105, iii, | Buddhajja (Buddharya,:, Br. donee,

XX, xxix, XXX, XXXV n., xlv, liii.

Bclora, ii y . . . . . . . . 16, 18. q

Briora plate^y of l\avaiasuia II i^bets A and B;, 16 f., 23, 64,

.. 106, 107, 113, 117.
106, xli, xlii, Ixvii, Ixix, Ixxv.

99.

B"mbal, t/.,

IV nT, Li y

Bonna, s.a. W'aingaiiga, rz ,
Br^inakarpara-bh(»ga, t.d,y
Bennakati, t.d.y
BjtuI plates of Saiikshobha,

Bhaddiiajja (Bhadrilarya), Br. doiiecy
hhdgQy taXj

Bhagadatta, Bhdia k y
Bhagavaty s.a.y Vishnu,

Bhairavagadh, forty . .

BhagirathT, //.,

Bhara, s.a. Bhara%i\a, dy.y
Bhara^'u a,

Bharata, s.a. Bhara tab ala, Panduoujeu,,
Bharatabala, Pandaia, ftu.,

XXX IV, XXXV n. \ ^ ,

’ Cave- Temples,

29,

80.

49.

29, xxxiv.
31, 49, 70, xxxiv.

I Chaitya, Buddhist temple,
I Chaitya cave at Ajanta,
1 Chaitya cave at Karla,

1 Chaitya-mandiray

49, ol, I Ckaitya-i'dtdyana y *a Chaitya window \

Ixiii. ^ Qhaijya window,

. . 99. I

.1 Chakradasa, m.,

88 n., xxxix. I

' Cnakradeva, ojj.y

Chhdtia, ' a policeman \

8, 34, 39, 42, 80.

49.

.. 10,14.
xix.

10, 14, 38, 76, xix, xxi.

.. 83, 87.

Bhartri5\ auiin, Bi. donee.,
bhata, * a soldier \

Bhatkuli, vl.,

Biia- ddevajja (^Bhartnd«-\ a.i>a;, Br. donee.,
Bhavabhuti, tdan^knt, an.,
Bhavadaltavarman, \ala k.,

Biuivanaga, Bfidiasiea k.,

Bhava^\ amin, Br. donee,

Bhaviiaja, min.,

Bhikshudasa, feu.,

Binliiairna I, k. oj the SiOa dy., . .
Bhfinasrna II, k. of the Sura dy.,

Bhitari pillar inscription,

Bhrvagadh, foil,

Bhoga, tax.

. . 9 n.y 83, 84, xiii, .xxvi, xxxiv,
xxxvi, Ixiii. j
27.

9 H., 81, xxxvii-xxxix.

23.
99.

. . 11 y 78, xx\ii, xl n.
77, ix, xxvii, xxxvii n.
10, 14, 76, .XX, xxi.
lOi, 102.

.. 112 «.
12U, 122, 127.
83, xxvi.

; Chakrapani, s.a., Vishnu,

! Chalukyas, Early,
j Chhappannaya, s.a. ShaNpancha^at,
j of fifty-six poets .

I Chheka-bhanita, ‘ a clever saying ^

; Chamidasa, scribe,

I Chammak, vL

Chaminak plates of Pravaras8na II,
Chamuna, f.

Chanaka, Vdkdtaka ca,,
Chanalas\amin, .fir.,

Chandaja (Chandrarya), Bi. donee,
Chhdndbgya Vpanishad,

Chandpur, vi.,

Chandra, merchant,

Chandrabhaga, ?/.,

Chandragupta I, Gupta k.,
Chandragupta II, Gupta k

oJ, XXVI. t

6 n. i

CIiandrapLira, vi.,
Ghandrapura-sahgamika,

82 n.

i Chandur, li.,
characters —

. . Ixv f.
xvii.
xlii.
xlvi.

109 n.y iii, n., Ixvi, Ixxv.

Ixxv.
xlvi.
9.

..11,15.
9 n.y xxxvii, xxxviii.
3, 11, 13, xxxvi, xli.

. . 96 tt.

‘ a Society

. . . . Iviii.

Iviii.

49, 52, xxxvii, xxxviii, xlv.

. . 22, 23.
6, 17, 22, 104, 106, xxxiv.

xiv.

, . . . xii.

6, 9, xliv.

99.
. . 128
50.

. . 39, 42, xli, xlv.

44, XXXV.
6, 8, 37.

3, G, 8, 11, 17, 22, 34, 37, 106, v,
xxiii, XXX and n., xxxvi n., xli, liii, Ivi.

48, 49, 52.
43, 44, 47.
44.

bhoga, t. d.,

13, xxxii, xxxi\ , xxxix n.

box-headed, 2, 5, 10, 16, 22, 28, 33,

43, 48, 53, 57, 63,

Bhoja, Samkiit au..

Iv.

69, 73, 76 79, 89, 90, 93

101, 103, 113, 121.

Bhojadev’a, SanAnt au..

Ivl.

BiahniT,

BhTjaka, oJ[.,

lUl, 102.

nail-headed,

5, 82, 90.

Bhojakade\ ar>a, B). donee,

26.

Charmauka, s.a. Chaminak, vi., . .

23, 26, XXX/.

Bhujakata, t.d..

23, 26, 49 n.y xxxiv, xxxv. j

chdta, ‘ a policeman \ .

9 xxxvii.

Bhojaiya, Br. donee, . .

. . 64, 68. j

chatula-tilaka, ‘ a head-o) nament ,

li.

Bhuktaka, m.,

37. j

ChicholT, li.,

11.

bhuktiy t.d.y

XXXIV, xxw.

Chikkamburi, s.a. Chikmara, vi..

2, 4, xl, lx.

Bhuvanapala, torn., . .

Ivi.

Chikmara, vi..

. . . 4, xl.

BibhTsliana, k. of the Suia dy.,
Biinbisrua, k. of Magad ha,
Bddhika, Buddhht monk,
Bontluka\afaka, s.a. Bothad,
Burgaon, a.,

Buthad, VI. y

Ixxi.
. . xlv, xl.
vi, 11, 14, XXXV.

65.

II.

Bralnnanas — theu* names, xl\'^ their Sakha>, xK , their

professions, xlv.

Brahmanavataka, s.a. Brahnianwada, ..z., .. 64, 68.

' Chiuchapalll, vi.,

{ Ghinchmandal, vi.,
i Chinese, lace,

1 Chitravarman, Sendpati,

[ cKdllaka, "a water-pot \

J Chutukulananda Satakarni, A.5
I consonant, final.

Brahmanwada, li.,
Brahmapuraka, li., . .
Brihaspatisava, Vedic sactijicc,
Brihatkathd, Paisdchi ivk.,
Bnhatkathdmanjai i, Sansh 1 1 wk . ,
Brihatphalayana, dy.,
Biikabaihhitdy Sanskrit wk..

. . 29, 70.
28, 31, 70, 71.
10, 14, 95, 98, xvi, xix n.
. , 96 and n., xxxix n.
96, xJwxix n.
93.

, . . . xxxiii.

dy angular,
d, round-backed,
dy not distinguished from d
Dakshinapatha, co., ..
Damodara, Sanskrit poet.

.. 11, 14.
54.
xivii.

17, 21, 23, 27, xxxviii, xlv.

. . 99

39.

..28, 33, 57, 76, 113.

121 .

.. 5, 10, 33, 76, 79.

28, 48, 77.
. . 96, xxix n.

. . xxxiii It.

INDEX

133

Damodarasena, s.a. Pravarasena II, Vdkataka k,, 35, vi, vii, ix,

xxiii and n.

Dandan^akay military off.y
dandamtiy * science of politics
Dan^n, Sanskrit au., ..
Dangu^a, s.a. Hinganghat,
Darbharaalaka,

Darbhapatha, vi.,
Darbhaviraka, vi . ,
Da^akumdracharitay Sanskrit wk.,

. . 101, 102, xxxviii.

. . . . . xxxii.

L, xxxii, x?cxiii and liii, Iv.

6, 7, 9, XXXV, xliv.

. . 43, 47.
. . 64, 68.
70, 71, XXXV.
123, 124, vi, XXV «.,xxxii-xxxiii,
xxxvii n.

Durg plate of a Vakataka king,. . . . . . 76 f.

Dutaka, off.y . . 11, 15, 34, 75, xxxviii and n., xlv.

Dviveda, ep.y . . . . . . . . xliv.

Ddbapura, s.a. Mandasor, /«.,

Dauvdrikdy ‘ Head of the village police
Dayitavarman II, k. of the Sura dy.y
Deaja (Dcvarya), Br. donee y
Deori, i/i.,

Deotek, vi.y

Deotek stone inscription of Rudrasena I,

Deva, min., , . . . 113

Dev-Barnark pillar inscription, . .

Devagupta, s.a. Chandragupta II, Gupta k., 6, 7, 11, 13, 17,22,

26, 28, 31, 41, 43, 46, 51, 53, 56, 58, 61, 64, 67, ii.

XXVI.

84, xxxix n.

83.
99.

Ixii.
1 , xii, xxi.
, I f. , xxi.

1 14, 1 13, xvi, XX, xl.

Devagupta, k. of Later Gupta dy.,

Devagupta, poet,
devakidl, ‘ a small temple*,

Devanandasvamin, off.,

Devaraja,j.a. Devasena, Vdkataka k., 1 12 & «

Devaraja, Early Rdshtrakhta k., . .

Devarya, Br. donee,

Devasarman, Br donee,

Deva^armacharya, Br. donee,

Devasarmarya Br. donee
KvasEiia, Vakataka k., 10M03, 106, 110, 112, 114, 118, 119 n.,
vi,vii, xvi, xxx-xxi; his ca. Vatsagulma, xxx; his mm.
HasUbhoja xxx-xxxi; his reign-period, xxxi.
Devavdrika, s.a. Dauvdrika, off., . . • • 34, 88, xxxix.

Dhanakataka, .. •* •• •*

Dharma, ‘ Buddhist religion % .. •• 106, 113.

dharma-chakra-pravartana-mudrdy xlii, lxvi_ Ixix, Ixxi, Ixxv.

Dharmadatta, Buddhist monk, .. *• •• lx\iii.

Dharmamahdrdja, ep. , 94, 95, 98, xv, xix and n. , xxix, xxx, xxxvi.

Dharmamahdmdtra, off., . • - * 2, 4, xix n.

Dharmarya, Br. donee, . . ■ • • ■ 27.

Dharmarya, another Br. donee, . . • • . . 64, 68.

Dharmasthdna, " a place of religious worship , 2, 11, 17, 29, 38, 49 «.,

99 «., xxi, xl, lx.

Dharmasvamin, Br. donee,

Dkarmavijayin, ‘a righteous conquer or \ ep.,

Dhritarashtra, feu. , . .

Dhuvavataka, vi.,

Dhvanydldka, Sanshit wk.,

DTrghadraha, s.a., Dighi, vi.,

Oivakarasena, Vdkataka pr., 6, 9, vi, vii, ix, xxiii and n.,
xxiv, xxxvii, xliv, liii; his subhdshita, liii.
Diiydvaddna, Buddhist wk., .. •• •• Ixxii.

Dravida, co., . . • • • • • •

drishtam, ^ seen ^ , initial word indicating completion oj a

charter, 6, 10, 17, 33, 48, j3, 58, 64, 77, 80.

Dro^abhattarika, Pdridava q.,
Dronagraka,

Drdndgrakandyaka, ‘ ch. of a Drondgraka \
Dronamukha, t.d.,

Dronarya, Br. donee, . .

Dudia, vi.,

Dudia plates of Pravarasena II,

e, initial,

Edehga, vi.,

EkddaSl, a fasting day,
Ekarjunaka, vi.,

Eras —

Gauga,

Gupta,

Kalachuxi,

Erai, ri., ..

Eran stone inscription of Samudragupta,

fortnight in season dates-
first in Hemanta, . .
fourth in Varsha, . .
seventh in Varsha,

82.

xxvii.

. . 6, xli-xJiii.

53, 54, 56.

xxxi.

91,xxii, «. xxviiijlxiii.
. . . . xxxii.

44, 54, XXXV.

90.

95, 100.
. . 44,47.
, . 64,68.

.. 7, ii.

. . Iviii.
. . xlvi n.
34, 37, xlv.
, 114 &;z.,119&k.

XXV, xxx.

.. 26,39.
26.

.. 28,31.
27

g, form of,

Gadeghat, vi.,
galitaka, metre,

Gana, s.a. Sahgha, Community of Buddhist Monks,
garia-Koma, a ritual,

Ganapaii Naga, J^'dga k.,

Ganarya, Br. donee, . .
gana-ydga, a ritual,
gana-ydjin, ep.,

Ga^daka, off.,

GandhakutI, Buddhist ie.,

Ganga, dy.,

Ganesapurdna, Sanskrit wk.

Ganga, ri.,

Gaiigarya, Br. donee, . .

Gahgadharabhatta, com.,

Ganj, vi..

54.
Iv.
113.
11 .
xxi.
26,

11, 14, xl n.

xl xliv.
84, 88, xxxix.
121 and /z. 129 n., xvii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv.

. .x, xxiii.
. . xxx n.

XX.

..70,72.

Iv.

101 , 102 .

xix n.y XXXV.

20, 121, 127.
.. 64,68.
liv, Iv, Ivii n.
7, 18, 21.

92.

Ganj stone inscription of Vyaghradeva, 92, v, xii, xix, xxvii, Ixiv.
Gardabhila, dy., . . . . . . . . xvii.

gdthds, Prakrit, . . . , . . xxix, Iv-lvii.

Gdthdsaptasatt, Prakrit anthology, .. .. xxix, xxiv, Ivii,

Gautamiputra, Vdkataka pr., 10, 14, 35 /z., 95, iii, ix, xx, xxi and n,
Gayakarna, Kalachuri k., . . . . . . Ixii.

Gepuraka,

.. 83,87.
84, xxxix.
84, 88, xxxix.
84, xxxix n.y
39.
43.

6, 43 f., xxxiv.

Gepuraka-marga, t.d.,

Ghat Lacjkt, vi.,

Ghatotkacha, Gupta k.,
Ghatotkacha Cave, . .
Ghatotkacha Cave inscription,
Ghughusgadh, fort,

Ghumli plates,

Girnar edict of Asoka,
Godavari, ri.,

Goladasa, scribe,

Gundarya, Br. donee, . .
Gondasarman, pr., donee,
gdtras

Atreya,

Bhalandayana,

Bharadvaja,

Dharana,

Gautama,

39, 40, 41.

. . XXXV, n.

18.

6, 8, 37.

12, 114, xlii, xlv, Ixxiv, Ixxv.
. 112 f., xvi, XX, xxx, xliv.

xxiii.

84.

1 .

xxix.
.. 43,47.
39.
26.

27.

99.

26, 27, 70, 72.
..8,37.
27.

134

INDEX

Harkarl,

. . 48, 52.

Hirahadgalli plates of Sivaskanda-varman, 9 n., 93, 94, 97 n..

Kapinjala,

99.

99 xix n.

Ka>yapa,

.. 17,26.

Harannaja : Hiranyaiya;, Bu donee,

99.

Kaundinya,

11,26,27,43,47,64, 70, 72.

Harankhedi, vi,,

44.

Kauhka,

43, 47, 99.

Hiranya, ri.,

, . 44, 54, 56, xxxv'.

Kaut^a,

liii.

Hiranyapura-bhuga, t.d.,

. . 43, 44, 47, xxxv.

Luhitsa,

53.

Huna, race,

xxvd.

Maudgab a,

28.

Huna, dy.,

xvii.

Parasara,

.. 34, 37.

Paippaiadi,

99.

Parasarya,

26.

initial, . .

82.

bandilya,

27, 101.

i, medial,

, . 69, 103.

Sat\a>a:ia,

.. 26, 27.

7, medial

33, 48, 57, 63, 73, 82, 121.

Sravi:5htha,

. . 97 n.

Ikshvaku, dy.,

xvii.

Sravisthhayana,

. . 97 n.

Indhyadri, mo.,

. . . . xxix.

\’aji-Kau^ika,

39.

India Office plate of Devasena, . .

. . 77 n., 101 f., xxxv

\’aji-Kaundin> a, ..

66.

Indore, tn.,

38.

\ atsa,

83.

Indore plates of Pravarasena II,

38 f., 77, xiii, xxXv xlv.

Vatsya,

26, 27, xliv.

Indra, flying, painting of,

Ixx.

Vi^hnuvriddha,

. . 10, 14, 96 n., xUv.

Indra, Bharatabala, Pdndava feu..

83, 87, xxvi.

V'rishnivriddha, s.a. Vishnuvriddha, . . 93, 96, 98,

Indrabhattarika, Pdnd^ava q.,

. , 83, 87,

Guv at > a, Bi. donee, ..

39.

Isana, ?n.,. .

83,88.

Guvindavarman, Vishnukmdin k.,

xxxi.

IsVara, goldsmith,

. . 83, 88.

Gramakuta, ‘ headman of a village

84, 83, xxxix.

IsVaradatta, goldsmith.

. . 58, 62.

Griddhagrama, s.a. Gadeghat, vi..

. . 54, 56.

Isvarai'amian, Br. donee.

27.

Grihapati, ‘ a householder \

. . xiv, xl.

1 Isvarasarmarya, Br. donee.

27.

Grihya rites,

. . xl, xliv.

\ Is'varasena, Abhira k..

Guhasarman, Br. donee,

26.

Gulma, m..

96 and x.xix.

Guhvada, vi.,

112, xlii.

\ J,

. . 57, 82.

Gunadhya, Prahit au.,

96 n., xxix.

j Jaika, Saindhava ch., . .

. . 84 K.

Gupta, k.,

XV.

Jamair, L7.,

48, 49, 51.

Gupta, dy., . . 8,

34, 37, .xxviii, xxx, xxxvi.

! Jamb, vi.,

.. 10, 11.

Guptas, Later, dy., . .

Jamb plates of Prav^arasena II, . .

7, 10, 43, 79, ix, xl, xliv.

Gupta temple at Devgadh,

xii.

Jamuntola, vi..

49.

Jayabala, Pdndava k.,

83, 86, xxvi.

Jayamahgala, com. on Vdtsydyana's Kdmasuita, . . 96, xxix.

ft, with tail sharply turned to left,

- j Jayanatha, Uchchakalpa feu.,

..91, V.

Hala, Sdtavdhana k. and P/akrit au.,

Iviii lix. i JayaS'Cna, Frai';i7 poe/.

Ivii.

Haribhadra, Ptaknt au..

iviii.

Jenhaja i Jveshiharya;, B,. donee,

99.

Harichandra, Br.,

.. 113rt. Sd'b

79.

Harisarnba, feu..

.. 12U, 122, 127.

jh, subset ipi,

69.

Haii>armarya, Bi. donee.

26.

Jharpat, h..

44.

Harisli^na, Vdkdfaka k., 103,

104, 106, 110, 112, 114 and

jihvdmuriya, sign of, . . 6, 33

, 43, 63, 73, 79, 113, 121.

115, 119 and n., 121,

124, 129, i, vi, viii, ix and

jlva^putta, ' having living sons',

34.

n., xvi, xxxi-xxxiii, xxxvi, xii, xlii, xivi, Ixvi, Ixix,

jlva-piUra-pauf/d, ' having living som and ^

<pandsoTis\ .. 34.

ixxiv — his conquests, xxxi; imnexed the kingdom of

jivujja (Jicdtyay Br. donee.

99.

the Main Branch, xxxi; established the Eastern Gahgas
in Kaliiiga, xxxi; supplanted Salankayana k,, xxxi;
otablishcd \’isiinukundiii A., Govinda\ arman, xxxi;
Iiis minister \’arahaclcva, xxxi; his reign-period, xxxii;
his successor, xxxii-xxxiii.

Jndnesea)i, Maiathi ivk . ,

I Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara
I Junagadh rock inscription,

! Jyeshthasarniarya, Br. donee,

' JyutUhtuma, Vedic sacnfice,

94.

Bauka, .. .. 113 «.

23 K.
27.

93, 98 and xix n.

Harisiicna, off.,

Hariii, Buddhist ^oddesss,
Hariii, sa:;e.

Ilariti-panchasikha, ioge,
Hdiitlputra, ep.,

Jdaruamsa, Sanskrit itk.,
Harivtjaya, Ptaknt kdiya,
hannikd, . .

Ilarshacha)ila, Sansknt wk.,
Ilasiibhuja, min. of Devaslna,

liii.
. . xxxvi n,
98 xxxvi n.
. . 98 «.

93, 98 and n., xv, xxxvi n.
. . . . xii and xxxiv n.

. . . . xxix, liv-Ivi, Iviii.

Ixxiv.

. . xlvii, xlviii, Ivi.
103, 104, 106, 1 10, 1 1 1, 1 12 and n.,

1 13-1 13, 1 18, 1 19 and n., xvi, xxxi.
Hemachandra, Sanskrit and Piukrit au., 94 w., 97 n., i, li\, 1\ & n.
Hihganghat, tn. and l.d., .. .. . . 7, 12.

■ k, cuisivc, . .

; Kacha

\ Kacha \\,fcu.,

I Kadamba, dy.,

Kadambapura, In.,

Kadambasaraka, Kosara, i;/, , ,
Kadapiiijana, s.a. Kadhajan, il.,

Kadhajan, vi.,

Kdkapakshaka, ‘ a cluUer of liaii above the ear*
Kalachuri, dy.,

I Kalamb, vi.,

121 .

120 andn., 122, 127.
120 and 122, 128.

95, 96 n.
XXX n.
34, 56.
7, 9.
7.
1 .

1 24, vi, xxxii, xxxiii.

, . XXX «.

INDEX

135

Kalharia, Sanskrit au., ' . . . . . . xlviii.

Kalidasa, Sanskrit poet^ 35, 107, 113 i, xxiii-xxv, xxx

xxxix xlv, xlvii, 1, liii and n., Iv, Ivi.

Kalidasa, scribe,

Kalihga, co., .. .. 106, 107

Kalisarman, Br. donee,

Kallara, vi.,

Kaluttaka, Br. donee, . .

Kalyana, ca.,

Kdinasutra, Sanskrit wk.,
kanaka-valaya, ‘ a gold wristlet \
kaTwhuka, ‘ a robe \
kdiichulikd, ‘ a bodice',. .

Kandarya, Br. donee, . .

KankalT, goddess,

Kantakasaila,
kanthikd, ‘ a necklace' ,
kdrd, ‘ a place of worship ' ,

Karanja, vi.,

Karaiijaviraka, s.a. Karauja, vi.,
kdrdpakdra, ‘ one who performs a religious duty '
Karmakara, vi.,

KarpuramaTjar’l, Prakrit wk.,

Ka«, holy place,

Katachchuri, dy.,

Katkdsaritsdgara, Sanskrit wk.,
katibandha, ^ a band for the waist',
Katyayana, oj"., .. .. 58

Kaundaraja, m.,

Kautilya, Sanskrit au.,

Kavadghat, vl.,

kavi^maxidala, ‘a Society oj Poets',..
Kdvydnubdsana, Sanskrit wk.,

Kesaribcda plates of Arthapati, . .
kh, unlooped,

kh, with a rectangle at the bottom,
kh, with a loop,

Khairi, vi.,

Khandesh, co.,

Kherli, vi.,

Kholapur, vi.,

Khoicivara, military commander, . .

Kilakila, dy.,

Kin ihikhe taka, vi,,

Kirdtdrjunlya, Sanskrit wk.,

Kirti, min.,
klipta, land tax,

Kobidaraka, vi.,

Kukilara, vi.,

Koiikila, dy.,

Kollapuraka, vi.,

Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman,
Kdndaraja, m.,

Kohkana, co.,

Kosala, s.a. Dakshina Kosala, co..

58, 59, 62.
1 10, xix, xxii, xxxi.
43, 46, 47.

64, 65, 68.
11, 14, xiiv.

. . xxxiii.
96, xxix and n.

li.

xlviii.

xlix.

27.

Ixiii.

XV.

li.

Hi.

29.

29, 31, XXXV.

117.

43, 44, 47.
. . 96, Ivi.

XX.

xxxii.
96, xxix n.
xlviii, Ixii, Ixx.
162, xxxviii, xlv.

Krishna, incarnation of Vishnu
Krishnadasa, feu.,

Krishnaraja, Kalachuri k.,

Krishnaraja II, Saindhaia k.,

Kritayuga, ‘ golden age ' ,

Kshatrapa, dy., . . . . xvii,

Kuberanaga, q. of Chandtagupta II,
Kulaptura, ‘ a high off . ',

Kulpa, vi.,

Kumaradcvi> Gupta, q.,

Kumaragupta, Gupta k.,

Kumararya, Br. donee,

Kiimdrdmdtya, a high Off.

Kumdrasambhava, Sanskrit wk.,
Kumaras'armarya, Br. donee,

Kumargaon, vi.,
kundala, ‘ an ear-ornament ’,

Kundinapura, ca.,

Kuntaka, Sanskrit au.,

Kantala, co., 80,81, 105-107,

KuntalciTa, ‘ the lord oJ Kuntala ’,

Kurala, co.,

Kushana, iace,

Kushana, dy.,

Kiivalayamdld, Prahit wk.,

xxxiv n., liv.
. . 120, 122, 124, 128.
124, vi, xxxi, xxxiii.

.. 84 «.
20, 31, 67, 69, xxxvi.
xix, xxiii and n., xxv.

6, 8, 37.
101, xxxvii, xxxviii.

29.

6, 8, 37.

vii.

39.

xxxviii, liii.
113 n., Iviii.
. . 26, 27.

40.

1 .

23, xlvii.
. . i, Iv.

1 1 0, xix, XX, xxv and

xxix-xxxiii, Ivii.
. . xxx n.

xxii.
xlvii, 1.
XX, xxxvi.
Iviii.

58, 62.

/, with a long vertical,

103.

84.

I, widi a short vertical,

.. 5, 63, 104, 113.

/, cursive,

. . 43, 63.

Iviii.

Ladgaon, vi..

18.

Iv.

Ladkl, vi..

18.

90.

Lakhapur, vi.,

65.

10, 33.

laldfika, ‘ a head-ornameJit' ,

Ji.

12,28.

33.

languages —

54.

Prakrit,

I, 63, 93.

124 71.

Sanskrit, 2, 6, 10, 16, 22,

28, 33, 38, 43, 48, 53, 57,

65.

63, 69, 73, 76, 79, 82, 91,

92, 93, 101, 104, 113, 121.

29.

Lata, Central and Southern Gujarat,

106, 107, 110, xxxi.

29.

1 Ldkhapallika, vi..

64, 65, 68.

xvii.

1 Lichchhavi, tiibe.

xxi.

29 31.

; Lichchhavi, ch..

6, 8, 37.

Iviii.

\ LVdcharitia, Marathi wk..

94.

1 18, xxx.

1 Lohanagara, s.a. Loni, vi..

58, 59, 61.

xxxix.

\ Lohanagara-bhuga, t.d..

. . xxxiv.

Kosala, Dakshina, co.,
Kosamba, vi.,
Kosambaka, vi.,
Kusambakhanda, vL,
Kosara, vi,,

Ko:>ika, t.d.,
Kosika-niarga, t.d., . .

Kothuraka, vi.,
Kottadeva, off..

39, 40, 41.
. . 54, 56.

xvii.
.. 29,31.
95.

.. 23,26.
xxxii.

77, 80, 31, 83, 84, 106,
107, 110, xxv-xxvii, xxxi.

xix, XX, xxxiv, Ivii.
40, 49, 50.
39, 40, 42.
48, 49, 51.
. . 54.

34, 35, 37.
34, 35, 37, XXXV n.
.. 11, 14.
.. 39,42.

j Luhitasarasvamin, Br. Donee,
\ Lokapraka^a, Pdndava q.,

' Lonar, vi..

Lunar dynasty,

m, cursive,

771, unlooped,

Madhappa, Off.,

Madhavavarman, Visfniukundin k.,
Madhukajjhari, s.a. Murjhar, vi.,
Madhunadi, s.a. Ghandrabhaga, ri.,
MagadhI, Prakrit dialect,

Magha, dy.,

Magharya, Br. donee,

Maghaiarman, Br. donee,
Mahabhairava, god, . .

Mahdbhdrata, Sa/iskrit epic,

. , 83, oo.
83, 87, xxvi, xxxvi.

. . xxxix.
83.

76.

. 64, 68, xxxviii, xl.
xvi, xxxi, xxxiii.

.. 70,71.
23, 26, 70, XXXV.

. . 97 n.

. xxvi and n.

27.

26.

3, 10,14, xl.
123, xxxiii.

136

INDEX

. . xvii, xxx\ ili, liii.
. . xxiij xxxvi, xliv.
. . . . xlx.

. . 98 «.
17, 18, 21.
17, 18, 21.

XXI.

38 and b2, xxi, xli.

Mahddandandyakai tit . , . .

Mahakantara, co.,

Mahdkskatrapa, tit.,

Maliakuta inbcripiion uf Mangalcsa,

Mahalla-Lata,

MahaIlama*Lata, vi.,

Mahdmdtraf off.,

Mahapurusha, s.a. \3shnu, goi,

Mdhdfdja, tit., (3, 8, 10, 13, 14, 20, 21, 2(3, 28, 31, 33, 35,

37, 38, 41, 43, 4(3, 48, 31, 53, 56, 58, 61, (>7, 76,
79, 81, 83, 87, 89, 91, 92, 101, 102, xxi, xxii u.,
xxxvi and n., xxxvii n.
6, 8, 34, 37, xxiv xxxvi and n.

94, 97 H., xx\ii H.
xvii, xviii.
37.
Iv.

xxii and n., xxvi.

xxii.

11, 13, 20, 20, 56, 61, 83,87.

26.
in, x\ii.
. . xxxiii.
90.

Ivii.

114, 115, 116 n.
80, 81, 84, X.XV.

xxiii.

.. 48,51.

Ivii.

iii.

xvii, xviii.
iii, XX, XXV and xxix,
XXX and «.
.. 70, 72.

iii, XXV.

xlii.
xxvi.
xxvi.

11, 14, XXXV.

II.

Mahdrdjddhirdja, lit., . .
MaharashtrT, Prakrit dialctt,
Siahdsendpati, tit.,

Alahattaia, ’ an cider
Mahavira, Tiithahkara,
Mah^ndra, k. of Dakshma Kdsala,
Mahcndragiri, k. of Pishtapwa, .
MahSvara, s.a. Siva,
Mahcsvaraya, Br. donee,

Mahisha, co. and dy.,
Mahishmati, ca.,

Nlajhgawan plates of Hast in,
Makarandasena, Prakrit poet,
Malaya, mo.,

Malava, co.,

Mdlaiikdgnimiiia, Sanshit play,
Mallakaptdhaka, vi.,

MallascTna, Prakrit poet,

Map, in.,

Mana, isaka k.,

Mananka, Early Rdsh{iakuta k..

Manapallika, ii.,

Manapura, Early Rdshliakuta ca.,
mandapa, vihdra cave, . .

Mandasor inscription of V'. 524, . .

Mandasor inscription of V. 529, . .
Mandukigrama, s.a. Mandgaon, vi.,
Mandgaon, vi.,

Mani, scribe,
matii^mekhald, ghdle, . .

Manoratharya, Br. donee,

^^antaraja, k. of Kiirdla,

Mantrin, ‘ Counsellor
Mantri-pai ishad, ‘ a Council of Alinisteis
Manyakhcta, ca.,

Maradasa, senbe,
rndrga, t.d., 17, 21, 34, 35, 37, 39, 58

Nlatrarya, Br. donee, . .

Matrisarmarya, Br. donee.

Matrisarnian, Br. donee,

Maya, Buddha'* s niothei ,

Mayi<lavulu plates,
medhya, ‘ Khadira tree ’,

Megkaduta, Sanskrit wk.,

Mokala, co.,

58, XXIV, xliii, xlv
77, 80, 81, 83, 84
xxxvi

Mekala-suta, s.a. Ts armada, n., , .
Mcsha-sai'ikranti,

Afyd, . .

86«., 117n.

Aupachchhandasika,

108 109 124 n., 126 n.

Gltikd,

Indiavajid,

85, n., 108 n., 115 n., 125 n., 126 n.

Mdlinl,

86 n., 109 «.

Pushpitd^nl,

.. 117«.

.^drdulaiikrldita,

85 109 n.

S/agdhaid,

84 n., 86 «.

Vaihsastha,

108 n., 124 125 n., 126 n., 127 n.

VasantatilakCi,

84 109 117 «.

Lpajdli,

85 n., 107 n., 108 n., 109 n., 115 n.,
116 n., 125 126 127 n.

Lpendraiajid,

,.107«., 108 n., 126 fi.

Mihiraka, engr.,
Millukadratha, ii.,

Alitdkska) d, com.,
Mokshasannan, Br. donee.

Months —

AsVina or AsVayuja,
Bhadrapada,

Jyeshtha,

Karttika,

Magha,

Phalguiia,

Vaisakha,

Air Lchchhakatika, Sanshit play,
Mrigasiina, vi.,

. Mugardara, ii.,

, Mulaka, co.,
i Mulasarman, Bi. donee,
Murala, co.,

, Murjhar, ii.,

; Murunda, dy.,

n, with Us vertical and upper bar divided,
ri, imlooped,

I n, unlooped,

I n, cursive,

I n, as in XagarT,

^ Nachnc-ki-talai, vi., . .

.. 7oi71.

xxxviii, n.

26.

..11, 15,
.. 83,88.
23, 27, 54, 56.
. . 6, 9.

.. 49,51.
.. 29,32.
39, 42, 64, 68.

xlvi.

.. 48,51.

70.

. . 23, 124.
27.

. . xxxii.

71.

. . xvii.

.. 38,63.
2, 93, 101, 113.
.. 38,43.
28, 38, 43.
89.

li.
39.
x.\ii.
, . xxxvii.

XXXV.

. . xxxiii.
. . 54, 56.
, 59, 70, 94, xxx\' n.

26.
27.
26.

. . Ixvii.
97 n., 99 ;i.
9

i, xlvii, Ii, liv, Ivi.
86, iv, xxvi, xxxiv,
, xliv, Ixiii and n.

.xxvi.
54.

Xachnc-ki-lalai stone inscriptions of \’>5ghradeva, 89 f., 92, v,

xii, xix, xxvii, Ixiv.

Metres —

Anush tubh, 8 13 20 n., 25 26 n., 31 n., 36 n., 41 n.,

46«., 51 rt,, 56, 61 n., 67 n., 86 ri.

‘ Xaga, lace,

Xaga, dy.,

X'agabala, Pan (Java k.,
i Xagadatta, Adga k., . .

, Xaga Raja,

Xaga Raja, shnne of,

; Nagardhaii, n.,

, Xagasarman, Bi . donee,
Xagasena, Saga k., . .

Xagavarman, so ibe, . .
nakshat/a, Pushya,

X'ala, epic hc/o,

Xala, dy.,

Xamida:>a, off.,

Xanda, half brother of the Buddha
Xanda, m.,

Xandanarya, Br. donee,
Xandardlian, vi.,

Xanded, tn.,

Xandlkada, s.a. Xanded, t.d.,
Xandivardhana, ca.,

. 106, Hi, xxi, xlvii.

. . XX, xxi.

83, 87, xxvi.

xxi.

Hi n., Ixix.

xli.

• • • 7, xxiii.

26.

22 .

..11, 15.
.. 83,88.

• • • . . xliv.

, iv, ix, XX and n., xxii, xxvii.

43, 47, xxxviii, xlv.
• • . , Ixviii.

. . 58, 62.
27.
7, xxiii.

. . 96, XXX, xxxiv.

94, 96, 98, 102 n., xxx, xxxiv.
6-8, 10, 11, 13, 17, 18, 20, 23, 35,
77, ix, xxiii, xxvii, xli, liv, Ivi, Ivii.

INDEX

137

Nahgarakataka, tJ., . .

Karattauga, s.a. Xarnaia,

Narattauga\ ari, holy place,

Narayanaraja, m.,

Nart-ndra, s.a, Narciidrasena, Vdkdtaka k., 83, 88 Ixiii.

Narcndrasena, Vdkdtaka k., 77, 79, 81, 84, 88 n., iii

V, vi, ix, xiii, xxv-xxvii, xxxvii; his accession, xxv;
his feudatory Bharatabala, xxv; his queen Ajjhitabhau-
arika, xxv; his feudatories of Kusala, Mekala and Malava,
xxv, xxvi; invasion of his kingdom by Nala
k. Bhavadattavarman, xxvii; his reign-period, xxvii.
Xarnaia, fort,

X^ik Gave inscription of Puluniavi,

Xasikya, co.,

Xidhanpur plates of Bhaskaravarman,

Xiladasa,

XHigrama, s.a. XTIjai, li.,

Xlijai, vi.,

Xirjala ekadasij
Xirvindh)a, ri.,
nishka, a gold com,

J\'is>hhtdt tha-duta, " commiisiona with full pomers of negotiation \ hv

iv.

nivattana, l.m., . • ■ • • ■

nivasana, * lower garment

Numerical symbols for —

1 ..

2 ..

3 ..

4 ..

5 ..

8 ..

7 ..

9 ..

10 ..

20 ..

30 . .

400 ..

8000

0 rncdial,

Pachgaon, vi.,
pddamala, ^afoot-print',
pada-pltha, ‘ a foot-stool ' ,

Padmapura, ca.,

Padmavatl, J^dga ca..

Paintings at Ajanta —

(i) Events in Buddha’:> life —
conception, Ixvi; Ma>a relating her dream, Ixvii;

Asita predicting Buddha’s career, Ixvii; Buddhas
first meditation, Ixvii; the tour signs, Ixvii; Ira-
pusha and Bhallika offering honey to Buddha,

Ixvii; Buddha preaching to congregation, Ixvii;
Buddha preaching in Tushita heaven, Ixvii, Ixxi,
Buddha in Kapilavastu, Ixviii; dying Suiidan,

Ixviii; taming of Xalagiri, Ixx; Buddha meeting
Yasudhara and Rahula, Ixxii; miracle at Sravastl,

Ixxiii.

(ii) Jd takas —

Hadisa Jdtaka,

ixvi, Ixxi.

. . Ixxi.
Ixvi.
Ixxiii.

. . Ixxiii.

. . ixxiii.
Ixxi.
Ixxiii.
Ixvi, Ixxi.
Ixx, Ixxi.
17, 18, 21, xxxiv.

Iviii.

93, xix n., xxxiii n,
83, 84, 88, xxxiv.

. . xxv.
xxxvi, xliv, ixiii.

63.

44 f., xxxiv.

, . xxxvi.

. . xxxvi.

83.

83, xxxvi.

xiiii,

. . xxxvi.

34, xli, xlii.

29.

xxvi, Ixiii.
78.

xlvii.
xiiii.
xlvii.
XXX v n.
XXXV n.
57, 59, xli,
xxxv’^ n.
Iv.

. . xvili Ti.
29, 31, XXXV.

. . 23, xli.
xlix.

\ n.
xxii.

.. 58,62.
Ivi.
99.
xxii.

58, 77, 90, xxvii.
xxxvii i n.
5 f, 33, 34, 82, 90, ii,
xxiii fi., xliv.

xxvi.

3, 6-8, n, 13,21,26,31, 33-35,
37, 41, 46, 56, 61, 67, 70, 71, v, vii-ix, xii, xxi n.,
xxiii, xxxvii, xli, xliv, liii; daughter of Chandragupta
II -Vikramaditya, xxiii; devotee of Vishnu, xxiii;
her grants at Ramagiri, xxiii; her sons, Divakarasena
and Damodarasena alias Pravarasena II, xxiii and n.,
regent for the former, xxiii; her Poona plates, xxiii;
Gupta influence at her court, xxiv; proud of her Gupta
, descent, xxiv n.

I VrabhusiinhcL, scjibe, .. .. .. 34, 37, xlv,

Ixxi. 1 Prabodhini ekadast, . . . . . . 6, 34, xiiii

101, 102, xxxiv, xxx\' n .

49 and ri.
. . 48-50.
58, 62.

49.

xxxiii.

xxxii.

17.

122, 127
54.
54.

.. 21,93.
53, 82, 93.
21,53,93.
93.
63.
22,27.
63, 93.
63.
21, 22,27.
63.
93.
53.
‘72

43, 57, 82.

al-
so, 39, xxiii.

xlvii.

77, 78, xxvii and ? l , xxxv, xin.

. . XX, xxi.

Hasti Jdtaka,

Mahdkapi Jdtaka,

Mahd-Ummaga Jdtaka,

Ayag/ dJha-mriga Jdtaka,

Riksha Jdtaka, . .

Ruru Jdtaka,

Shad-danta Jdtaka,

f '

•Sibi Jdtaka,

Sutasoma Jdtaka,

Viivantara Jdtaka,

Pakkana-rashtra, t.d.,

Palittaya, s.a. Padalipta, Prakrit au.,

Pallava, dy.,

, PaETchagarta, t.d.,

Pauchika, I'aksha,

Pandaraiigapalir plates,
i Pandava, dy., . . xxii, xxvi, xx

i Pandhurna, vi.,

, Pandhurna plates of Pravarasena II,

Pa nor i, vi.,

Paramabhattdraka, tit.,

Paramadaivata, ep.,

Paramadevatadhidahata, ep.,
Paramagurudivatddhidaivataiisheshai ep.,
Parama-Mdhesiara, ‘a devout worshipper of Sita
Paramesvara, tit.,

\ par and, ‘ completion of a fast ’,

Paraswada, vi.,

Parivrajaka, dy.,

ParsVanath, image of,

I Parthian, race,

Pasahkula Ikadc^i,

Pata-maitdapa, ‘ a tent *,
pathaka, t.d.,

Patna Museum plates of Pravarasena II,

Pat tan, vi.,

Pat tan plates of Pravarasena II,
Paiihiacharia, Prakrit wk.,

Payoshni, s.a. Purna, ri.,

Pavarajj aval aka, vi., . .

Pavnar, vi.,

Payddhara-paia, ‘ a band for the breasts
Pillar edict V of Asoka,

Pishtapura, s.a. PTthapuram, c.a.,

Piiamaha, m.,

Pltambara, coin.,

Pituja (Pitryarya), Br. donee,

PTthapuram, vi.,

Podagadh inscription of Skandavaraman,
Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman,

Poona plates of PrabhavatTgupta,

ep.,

69 f., 74,

57 f.

’ Prabhakara, of the Guptas,
' PrabhavatTgupta, Vdkdtaka q..

120 and n.

xiiii..

xviii.

li.

138

INDEX

Prakrit grant of Sivaskandavarman,
pralamba-pdia posture,
pranaya, ‘ naza)dnd ^ .

Pratihara, dy.^

Pratishthana, s.a. Paithan, ra., . .
pratydlidha, posture,

Pravara, min.,

Pravara, s.a. Pravaraseiia II,
Pravarapura, s.a. Pavnar, ca..

23,

Ixii.

99.

. . 84 xxxix and n.

123.

Ixii.

114, 118, XXX.

Ivii.

22, 23, 26, 28, 38, 43, 46,

58, 61, 77, x-'cxv, xli and n.
Pravararaja, s.a. Pravarasena II, . . . . Ivii.

Pravarascna, k. of Kashmir, . . . . . . Ivi.

Pravarasena I, Vdkdtaka k., 3, 4 n., 10, 14, 17, 21 n., 35

38, 64, 76, 95, 98, 103-105, 110, 114, iii, v-vii, xi, xii,
xiv-xvi, xviii, xxi n., xxxvi n., xl; his annexation of
Purika, xviii ; extent of hi^ kingdom, xviii, xix and his
Vajapeya, AsVamcdha and other Srauta sacrifices, xix
and n. ; his titles-5a.7ir/2/, Dharmamahdrdja and Hdriltputra,
xix; his matrimonial alliance with Bhavanaga, xix, xx;
his long life, xx; his age, xx; his Prime Minister Deva,
XX ; his four sons, xx; their kingdoms, xx.

Pravarasena II, Vdkdtaka k. of the Main Branch, 3 h., 6,

10, 11, 13, 17,20-22, 26,27, 29, 31, 33, 35, 38,41,43,
46, 48, 49, 51, 53, 54, 56, 58, 61, 76, 93, 95, 106, iii n.,
vii, ix, xxiii xxvii n., xxxvi, xl, xli, xliv, xlv, liii, iv,
Ivi, Iviii; his numerous grants, xxiv, his reign-period,
xxiv; his early ca. Nandivardhana, xxiv; his later ca.
Pravarapura, xxiv; its identification wdth Pavnar, xxiv; ;
a devotee of Siva, xxiv; au. of Prakrit gdthds and Setu-
bandha, xxiv and n. his construction of a Is. of Ram-
chandra at Pravarapura, xxv.

Pravarasena II — Vdkdtaka k. of the Vatsagulma Branch, 105, 106,

110, 114, vi, vii, XXX.

Pravaresvara, s.a. Siva .. 18and«.,21«., 64, 67, xxxv, xl and n.

Pravaresvara-shadviinsati-vataka, t.d., . . 17, 18, 21, 64, xl.

Pra\Ira, s.a. Pravarasena I, . , . . xi, xii, xviii, xx.

Prayaga, holy place, . . . . . . xx, xxvii.

Prithivlraja, s.a. PrithivTshena I, 64, 66, 68 and n., 1 19.

Prithivlshcna I, Vdkdtaka k., 10, 13, 77, 80, 81, 89, 90,

105, v and n., xii, xiii, xxi, xxx, xxxv'i; his noble quali-
ties, xxii; his peaceful policy xxii; his age, xxii; his
alliance with Chandragupta II, xxiii; his son Rudrasena
II married to Prabhavatlgupta, xxiii; a devotee of

Siva, xxiii; shifted his ca. to Nandivardhana, xxiii.
PrithivTshena II, Vdkdtaka k., 76, 79, 81, 89, 91, 92, 95,

106, V, vi, ix and n., x, xiii, xix, xxvii, xxviii, Ixiv;
raised his sunken family; xxvii; his ca. Padmapura,
xxvii; invaded and devastated the Nala ca. PushkarT,
xxvii; his feudatory Vyaghradeva, xxvii-xxviii; devotee
of Vishnu, xxviii, his reign-period, xxviii.

Pujumavi II, Sdtavdhana k., .. .. xvii, xxiii. ,

Pujumavi IV, Sdtavdhana k., .. .. xvii and n.

Punctuation, sign of, . . . . 10, 33, 48, 93.

Purika, Vdkdtaka ca., . . .. . . iii, xii, xviii, xx.

Purnabhadra, attendant of Buddha, . . . . Ixxiii. ,

Purva-rashtra, t.d., . . . . . . . . xxxiv. |

Pushkarl, Aala ca., . . . . . . 77, ix, xxvii. *

Raja^ekhara, Sanskrit au.,

Rajatarangim, Sanskrit wk.,

Rajuka, off.,
rdjya, t.d.,

Rdjyddhikrita, 'Chief Minister,^

Ramabhadra, Pratihara k.,

Ramachandra, incarnation of Vuhnu,

Ramadasa, coni.,

Rdmdyaria, Sanskrit epic,

Ramagiri, s.a. Raintek, 35, 37, 38, xxiii and
Ramagirisvamin, s.a. Ramachandra, god,

Ramtek, tn.,

Ramtek plate of Pravarasena II,
rdskba, * a t.d., ’

Rashtrakutas, Early, of Manapura, iii, xx, xxv, xxix, xxxi, xxxiii.
Rdvanavaho, s.a. Sttubandha, Prakrit hdvya, . . . . Ivi.

xxiii xxix n., liii, Ivi.

. . xlviii.
39, xxxviii.
xxxiv, xxxvii.
49, 52, 58, xxxvii.
. . 84 n.

xli.

58, xxiv n. Ivi.
123, xxxiii, xli.
n., xxiv, xli, xliv, liv.
6, 34, xli, liv.
7, 58, 73, xxiii, liv.
70, 73 f.
. . xxxiv.

113, 114, 118, xvi, xxix.
120, 122, 128, xiii, Ixix.

99.
26.
27.

. . 5, 63.

. . xxvii.
6,8«.,33f., 77n.,

101-102, vii, xxiii xxvii, xxxv n., xxxvii xlv.

Ravi, min.,

Ravisamba, y tn,

Revatjjja (^Revatyarya), Br. donee,
Revatisarman, Br. donee,
Revatisarmarya, Br. donee,

U, medial
Riddhapur, tn.,

Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatlgupta

Rikshavat, s.a. Satpuda mo.,
Rishabhadatta, image of,
RishTka, co.,

Kiti, VaidarbhT,

Ruharya, Br. donee, . .
Ruddajja (Rudrarya), Br. donee,
Rudradeva, k. of Arydvarta,
Rudrarya, Br. donee, . .
Rudrarya, Br. donee, . .
Rudrarya, Br. donee, . .
Rudrasarman, Br. donee,
Rudrasarmarya, B). donee,
Rudrasena I — Vdkdtaka k.,

xviii and n.
78.

123, xxxi-xxxiv, xiii, xliv.

xxviii, liii.
27.
99.

3, xii, xxi n.

26.
53, 56.
70, 72.
26.
27.

2, 3, 4, 10, 13, 17, 49, 95, iii,

Raghuvamsa, Sanshit ick.,
Rdhasika, Pnvate Secfeta}y,

107, xxiv and xxxv n., xxxix «.

83, 88, x.xxviii.

Raipur plates of Maha-SudCvaraja,
Raj agriha, ca.,

Tdja~mdna, ‘ royal measure \

Rajan, tit.,

. . xxxiv.
. . xv.
58.

xxi, xxii n.

vi, vii, xii, xiv, xxi and n., xl, xli; daughter’s son of
Bhavanaga, xxi; hh dharmasthdna zlx Deotek; devotee of
Mahabhairava, xxi; lost support of Naga relatives,
xxi; his feudatories submitted to Samudragupta, xxii;
maintained his independence, xxii and n.

Rudrasena II, Vdkdtaka k., 3, 6, 8, 10, 13, 17, 21, 26, 28,

31, 33, 34, 37, 41, 46, 51, 56, 61, 67, 106, v-vii, xxi n.,
xxiii, xxxvii, xli, xliv; son-in-Iaw' of Chandragupta II —
V'ikramaditya, xxiii; a devotee of Vishnu, xxiii;
his wife Prabhavatlgupta, xxiii; her religious influence
xxiii; his sons, xxiii; died early, xxiii.

RudrasiTiiha II, \yestcrn Kshatrapa, .. .. xix.

Kvkmin, pr., .. .. .. 23, xxxiv.

RukminT, w., of Krishna, .. .. .. 23, Iv.

s, looped, . . . . . . . , 5.

f, with tlie left member ending in a curve, . . 33, 38.

sh, looped, . . . . . . . . 5.

Saba, off., . . . . . . . . liii.

Sachiva, " a minister . . . . . . . xxxvii.

Saduktikarndmrita, Sanskrit anthology, . . . . liii,

Sadyaskra, Vedic sacrifice, 10, 14, 95, 98, xvi, xix n.

Sahya, mo., . . . . . . 123, 129, xxxv.

Sailapura, s.a. Salbardl, t.d., .. .. 17, 21, xxxv n.

Saindha\a, dy., . . . , . , . . 84

Saka, race, .. .. .. 1, xlvii.

INDEX

139

Saka, dy.f .. .. iii, xvii, xix.

Sdkuntala, Sanskrit play, . . . . xlix, li.

Salahana, s.a. Satavahana, Pfakrit poet, . . . . Iviii.

Salaiikayana, dy., . . , . . . . . xxxi.

j j ^

Sambhu, s.a. biva, god, 13, 20, 26, 31, 56, 61, 67, 71, xxiv, xxxvi.
Samrdt, tit,, . . 10, 14, xix and n., xxii n., xxxvi n.

Samudragupta, Gupta k., 6,8,34, 37, xii, xxi and n,, xxvi,

xxxvi n., liii.

Sartchl inscription of Chandragupta II, . . . . 90.

Sandhivigrahika, ^Minister for Peace and IV'iar *, 58, xxxvi ii and liii.

65.

64, 65, 68.
106, 113.
. . xlix.

97 n.
xlix, Ixix.
. . xliii n.

58.

xliii.
Ixii.
26.
70.
Ivii.

9 n., xxxi xhv.
XXXVI i n,
44.
Iv.

75, 80, 81, xxxvii.
Sarvasena, Vdkdtaka k,, 95, 98, 103, 105, 110, 114, iii, vi,

vii, XV, xvi, XX, liv-Ki, Iviii; founder of the Vatsagulma

Sahgam, vi.,

Sahgamika, vi.,

Sangha, ‘ Buddhist Community \
sahghdCi, ‘ a cloak
Sangoli plates of Harivarman,
sa^^kakshikd, ‘ an upper garment ’
sahkashta-chaturthl,

Saukhe^ plates of Dadda II,

Sankranti, Mesha,
bantinatha, Tlrthahkara,
bantisarnian, Br. donee,
sa-panchasdika, technical term,

Saptosati, s.a. Gdthdsapta^ati, Prakrit anthology,
barabhapura, kings of,
barabhapuriya kings,

Sarasvatl, n.,

SarasvaCikanthdbharana, Sanskrit tvk.,
Sarvddhyaksha ‘ General Superintendent '

' S^tubandha, Prakrit kdiya, 58, xxiv and
' Shdhdnushdki, tit.,

I bhai-tila tkdda*s’i,

\ bhodasin, Vedic sacrifice,

Siddhatn, an auspicious itord,
bimhalavadana, Pali ick.,

Simahalavadana, painting of,
biruhavishnu, Pallava k.,

Sifighana, Tddaia k,,

, birshagrama, li.,

j ^

i bisuka, k. of Puiikd, . .

Sisupdlavadha, Sanskrit wk.,

j ,

Siva, image of,

1 j ,

i Siva, temple of,

\ Siva, sciibe,

'^bivarya ', Bi. donee,

biva-liuga,

; bivaskandavaiiiian, Pallava k,,
biwaiii, VI.,

biwaiu plates of Pravaras na II,

branch, xxix; made Vatsagulma his capital, xxix, his
tit. Dharmamahdrdja, 95, 98, xxix; au. of the Harivijaya
and some Prakrit gdthds, xix.

Satakarni, Viijhukada, k,,

xix.

Satavahana, dy..

xvii, xlii and n.

Satpuda, mo.,

xviii and n.

batrughnaraja, m..

.. 23,26.

Sattra, ‘ a charitable feeding house ' ,

58.

Satyabhama, wife oj krishna.

.. Ihdv.

Satyaki, m..

liv.

Satyasena, Prakrit poet.

Ivii.

Saundarananda, Sanskrit kavya.

Ixviii.

bauraseni, Piakrit dialect,

94, 97

baurisamba, yirw.,

120, 122, 127.

Sculptures and Panels —

Bharata-bhcta, ' Meeting of Bharata

Ixi.

Boar Incar nation . .

Lxiv.

Buddlias,

Ixxv.

Ganga,

ixii, Ixiii, lxi\.

Kali, . .

Ixiv.

jNagaraja and his wife,

Ixxiv.

Padmapani,

{xxvi, Ixix, Ixxv.

I rivikrama,

Valivadha (^Killing of \'alin),
Vajrapani,

Vishnu, s^ahasayin,

Yamuna,

Seals of Vakaraka plates — 5, 9, 2
Seal of Bamhani plates,

Season dates,

Sendpati * Army Commander \

Setu, Prakrit anthology,

Seta s.a. Setubandha, Ptabit kdvya,

2, 27, 28, 3:

lx.

. . 1 x 1 Ixii.
Ixvi, Ixix, Ixxv.
. . xiiv.
ixiv.

32,43, 47, 48, 57, 62.

82.

44, 47, 64, 68, 95, 100.
29, 43, 58, 62, 64, 95, 100,

xxxvi xlv.
. . Ivii-lix
Ivi .

, Skandagupta, Gupta k.,
bkandarya, Br, donee,

, Skandavarman, Aa/a k.,

■ Skandhaka, a metre,

I slavery in ancient India,
Soddhala, Sanskrit au.,

, buina sacrifices,

Soma, min.,

Somarya, Br. donee, . .
Sumarya, Br. donee, . .
S6masarmar>’a, Br. donee.
SbmavariisI, dy..

Spurious plates,

brauta sacrifices,

Sridharadasa, Sanskiit an.,

J _ y

Sridbaravarman, S’aA'a k.,

Snhgdrapi akdsa, Sanskrit wk.,

Sr“parnaka, vi.,

Sriparnaka, donated vi.,

y __

Sriparvauyas, dy.,
bri-Rama, min,,

Sryasraya SHaditya, Chdlukya p>.
Subhdshitas,

budarsana, k. of Aybdhyd,
buddhodana, Buddha* s father,
Sukranitisdra, Sanskrit wk.,
bundarika-marga, t.d.,

Sundhati, vi.,
bundhati-marga, t.d.,..

buiiga, dy.,

Supratishtha, t.d., .. 6,

bura, k., . .

Suryasvamin, Bi. donee,
Sutradhara, ''an aichitecC ,
Sutianipdta, Pali wk., . .
Suvarnakdra, goldsmith,

Suvithi, ‘ a picture gallery \
Svamidevarya, Br. donee,
Svamiraja, feu, of the Kalachuris,
Svatis'armarya, Br. donee,

113,

9, 11, 12

n., xivi, Iv, Ivi, Iviii.

. . xxxvi.
. .49, xliii.
10, 14, 98 n. xvi, xix«.

94.
xlix.
Ixxii.
xxxiii n.,
29.

6, 9, XXXV.
XI, xii, xviii.

iviii.

78.

.xJ.

.. 83,88.
99.

.. 3, 10.

. . 94, xix.
28.

6, 28 f., 70, 71, 77,
104, 106, i.
xxvi.
27.

90, ix, xxvii.

Iv.

. . xlvi,
107.

. . xix, xl.
14, 118, xxix, xliv.

26.

.. 64,68.
27.

iv, xxxiii.
63.

. . xliv.
hii.
xvii, xix.
Iv.

29.

.. 70,71.

xvii.

113, 114, 1 18, XXX.

83 n.
liii, liv, ivi.

. . xxiv.

. . ixvii.
84, xxxix n.

. . xxxv n,
70, 71, .xxxv n.

. . xxxv n.
xxiii.

14, 54, 56, xxxiv.

83.

17,21.

xlv.

123.

xlv.

106, 111 «.
27.

. . xxxii.
27.

140

INDEX

/, looped, . . . . . . 5.16, 38.

unlooped, .. .. 10, 16,63,69,93.

TaittirTya sakha, II, 14, 17, 21, 28, 32, 34, 37, 70, 72, xlv.
4 akalakhoppaka, . . . . 94, 96, 98.

Takali, vi., .. .. .. 96.

rakaUguhana, i z., . . . . . . . . 96.

Talgunda inscription of Kakustlivarman, . . . . 98 n.

Tapi, rz., . .

Tarhala, rz.,

temples at —

Ajanta,

Cave XVI, ..

Cave XVH, . .

Cave XIX, . .

Guhvada —

Caves,

Kachne-ki-talai, . .

Pavnar,

Ramtek,

Tigowa,

1 hcra, ‘ a Buddhist Bkikshu ’,
Tigowa, vi.j

tilaka ‘ a mark on the forehead \
tilaka-maniy ‘ a head ornament
iilavdchanaka s.a. ‘ Srdddha
Tirodi, vi,f

Tirodi plates of Praverasuna 11,
Tirlhahkara, ‘ a liberated saint \

Liihis —

xviii.

xvii.

Ixvi-Ixix, Ixxiv, Ixxv.

Ixix-Ixxiii,

Ixxiii-Ixxiv.

Ixxiv-lxxvi.
Ixiv-Ixv.
. . Ix-lxii-
Jx.

Ixii-Ixiv.
. . xiv, xl.
Ixii-Ixiv.
1 .
li.

64, 68 rt., xliii.

48.

48 58, 77, 94, xxxvii, xlv.

78, Ixii.

Uttarardmacharitaj Sanskrit play, . , . . . . viii-

Uttara-rashtra, .. .. .. 83, 88, xxxiv.

utlardsahga, ‘ an upper garment . . . . . xlix

ultarlya, ‘ an upper garment . . . . xlviii, lix.

.. 79,121.
79.

2, 89, 90.
xxix, Ivi.
liii.

xlviii, Ixx.

xxl.
. . xxvi.
V, xvi, xix and xl.
53 n., 64, xlv.

XlV, XVI, XVllJ, xxxix.

V, rectangular, . . . . . . . . 79, 121.

r, round, . . . . . . . . . . 79.

e, triangular, . . . . . . 2, 89, 90.

VachchhomI, Prakrit style, . . . . xxix, ivi.

Vaidarbhj, Sanskrit style, . . . . . , liii.

vaikakshaka, ‘ a garland \ . . . . xlviii, Ixx.

VaisalT, Lichchhavi ca., .. .. .. xxl.

Vaisravana, Pdndava pr., . , . . . , xxvi.

Vajapeya, Vedic sacrifice, 10, 14, 77, 93, 98, V, xvi, xix and n., xl.
Vajasaneya sakha, . . . . . . 53 n., 64, xlv.

Vakata, li., . . . . . . ^ ^ xi.

Vakataka, m,, . . . . xiv, xvi, xviii, xxxix.

Vakatakas, dy„ 3, 4, 6, 8, 10, 13, 17, 20-22, 26-28, 31, 33,

34, 37, 38, 41, 43, 46, 51, 53, 56, 58, 61, 64, 67, 70,
77, 79, 81, 91-93, 95, 98, 101, 104, 110, 112-115, 124;
their importance in history, i; discovery of, i; their
age according to Buhler, ii ; according to Fleet,
Kielhorn and Sukthankar, ii; Biihler’s view confirmed,
ii; Jayaswal’s view about their empire in North India
and achievements, ii ; Vatsagulma branch known from
the Basim plates, iii; their four branches, iii; two of
these overthrown by the Rashtrakutas of Manapura,
the Sakas and the Nalas, iii; their chronology v-x;
Majumdar's view examined, vii-x; JayaswaPs theory
about their era, v, xiii, xiv; their home, xi-xvi; their

of bright fortnight —

10~-

..54, 56.

12—

6, 9, II, 15, 29, 34, 37, xliv.

13-

n, 17, 21, 23, 29, 32.

of dark fortnight —

5 —

. . 39, 42.

7 -

. . 58, 62.

10-

. . 64, 68.

12 —

. . 49, 51.

13-

. . 83, 88.

Traikutakas, dy..

107.

Trikuta, nio.^ and co. . .

.. 106, 107, no, 124, xi, xxxi.

Ti i~ratna, ‘ three gems ’ in

Buddhism, . . . . 106.

Tushara, dy..

xvii.

u, medial, cursive,

53.

u, medial,

103, 113.

Uchchakalpa, dy..

91, 92, V and n., xiii, xxvi, xxviii.

Uddna, Pdli uk,.

128.

udaia-bandha, a band.

Ixii.

Uddyotana, Prahit au.,

Iviii, lix.

udrahga, a tax.

.. 88 and xxxix ;z.

Udumbara, n.,

.. xl ;z.

hjja>ini, ra.,

xxiii.

Ukthya, P'edu sacnfcc,

. . 10, 14, 98 n., xvi, xix n>

Lima, ri,,

.. 11, 12, 14, XXXV.

upadhmdriiya, sign of, . .

6, 10, 28, 33, 43, 57, 73, 113, I2I.

upakdryd, ^ a tent',

. . . . . . xivii.

upaklipta, tax,

9 rz., xxxix.

uparikara, tax,

. . 88 and n., xxxix.

Upendragupta, feu., . .

.. 120, 122, 127.

Uttara-marga, t,d,, . .

. . 94, 98, 102, xxxv n.

supposed coins, xiii, xiv; early rulers, xvii-xx;
Vindhyas'akti I, xvii-xviii ; Pravarasena I, xviii-xx;

Main Branch— Rudrasena I, xxi-xxii;Prithmshena I,
xxii-xxiii; Rudrasena II, xxiii; Divakarasena, xxiii;
PrabhavatTgupta, xxiii-xxiv; Narendrasena, xxv-xxvii;
Prithivishcna II, xxvii-xxviii; the achievements of this
branch, xxviii.

Vatsagulma Branch — Sarvasena, xxix; Vindhya-

sakti II alias Vindhyasena, xxix; Pravarasena, xxix;

his successor, a boy prince, xxix; Devasena, xxix-xxx;

Harishena, xxxi-xxxii; his successor, xxxii-xxxiii;

the downfall of this branch, xxxii-xxxiii.

vaindfika, ‘ a servant \

. . . . 99 «.

Vakroktijivita, Sanskrit wk^.

Iv.

Vanavasi, ca.,

xxxii, xxiii, xxxvii n.

Vakpatiraja, Prakrit au.,

. . . . Ivii.

Vallura, 17 .. .. 112-114,

1 18, XV, xvi, xl, xliv'.

Valluras, Bt dhmanas , . .

113 114.

VanavasT, ca..

. . XXV w.

Vanhu (j.a. Vishnu), sciibe,

95.

Vam, tn.,

Vankesvara, s.a., Siva,

1 8 «.

Vanko-Tumniana, rz.,

. . 18 «.

Varada, ri.,

. • . . xxxii.

V''aradakheta, li.,

. . 58, 59, 61, xxxv.

Varadakheta-marga, t.d.,

58, 61, xxxv n.

Varaha, jVala k..

. . . . xxvii.

Varahadeva, min., 103, 104, 106, 111,

112«., 113, 114 and n..

1 15, 1 19 and «.,xvi, xxxi

, xli, xiii, xlv, Ixiv, Ixxvi.

\'arahamihira, astromomer.

123.

Vararuchi, Piakrit grammarian,

94.

Varasarman, Br. donee,

.. 26,27.

V^aras armary a, Br. donee,

27.

INDEX

141

Vardhamanaka, vi, . .
Van, vi.f . .

Var%aon, z//.,
Varuchcharajya, t.d.,
Varunarya, Br. donee,
Vasantasena, Prakrit poet,
vasatidanda, tax,
VasTirarya, Br. donee,
vd aka, ‘ a village
Vaiapuraka, vi.,

Vatsa, m,,

Vatsa, sage,

Vatsa, CO.,

48,51,83, 84, 88.

49.

64.

64, 68, xxxiv,
.. 48,52.
Ivii
9 n,
.. 70, 72.
39, XXXV.
.. 29,31.
96 and n., xxix n
96, xxix.

XXVi.

V ^hnLlkundlu, dy.,
j y Jm upu rdria, Sanskn t wk.,
yiuva, ‘ an equinox .

- d'luva-vdchanaka, ‘ rccito) at a viskuva '

x\i, xxu, xxxin.

XI i.

. . 54, 36.
34, xliii.

>\(ruta-charila, a chapter niihc Daiakii/ndfachanta, xxxii, xxxiii.
'.3->Vantara Jataka, .. .. .. •• xlix, 1.

/-Casta, ri. in KaUimlr, . . . . . . ivi.

'/ aghra, Vchchakalpa pt., 91, 92, v and n., vi, vn, xii,

xiii, xix, xxviii, Lxiv.
\' .agharadeva, /^w., of Vakataka Prithivlshcna II 89,-92, v,

vii, xxvii, xxviii.

\ \agliraiaja, k. of Alahdkdntdni, .. .. .. xxii.

Vatsagulma, ca., 95, 96, 98, 102, xvi, xx, xxv, xxix-xxxiii.

xxix and n., xxx and n., xxxvi n., liv, Ivi, Ivii.
Vatsyagulma, ca., . . . . • . 101, 102.

Vatsyagulmaka, s.a. Vatsagulma, co., . . 96, xxix and ?l.

Vatsaraja, Pdndava k.,

Vatsyayana, Sanskrit au.,

Vedarya, Br. donee, . .

Vedas —

Atharvaveda,

Rigveda,

Yajurveda,

Madhyandina,

Taittirlya,

Vaji (s.d. Vajasaneya or white),
Samaveda,

Velur, vi.,

Velusuka, vi.,

Vembara, 1.,

Vena, (j.a. Waingariga), ri.,

Vepakata, t.d.,

Venhujja (Vishnvarya), Br. donee,

Venya s.a. Wainganga, ri.,

Vidarbha, co.,

Viddhasdlabhanjikd, Sanskrit play,

Vidhijja (Vidhyarya), Br. donee,

Vidisa, Ndga ca.,

Vihara Caves,

Vijayapalllvataka, vi.,

Vikramaditya, tit.,

Vilavanaka, s.a. VanI, vi.,

Vinayaditya, Chdlukya k.,

Vindhyas'akti I, Vdkdiaka k-,

83, 87, xx\i.
xxix,
.. 70,71.

Wadgaon, vi.,

W'adgaon plates of Piavarascna II,
Wainganga, ri..

Wanna, ri.,

Wari, vi..

Wheel of Sarhsara, painting of, . .

48, 94, 99 n., xlv.
. . . . . » xlv.

. . 83, xK .

11, 14, 21, 17, 34, 37, 70, 72, xh.

39, 42, 53, 56, 64, 6b.

xh-.

115, XV, XVI.
. . 54, 56.
.. 80,81.
29.

.. 49 n.

99.
29.

123, xxx and xxxii-xxxiii.

. . xxxiii«.
99.
xL

. . xlijXlii,
.. 64,68.
xxiv n., Ivi.
6, 7, 9.
.. 83 rt.

95, 103, 104, 110, 114, 1 , v,
vi, xi, xii, xvii, xviii; xl; earliest known Vakataka k.
xvii; called z/nja(Brahmana), in Ajanta cave inscrip-
tion, xviii; his home in Central Deccan, xviii; his
capital Chanaka, xviii; his kingdom, xviii; his date,

xviii.

Vindhyasakti II, Vdkdiaka k., 94-96, 98, lOo, 106, 110,

114, iii, vi, vii, xv, xxix, xxx; called Vindhyasena in
Ajanta Cave inscription, xxix; defeated Manahka,
k. of Kuntala, xxix; made the Basim grant, xxx; his
minister Pravara, xxx; his title Dharmarnahdrdja, xxx;
his reign-period, xxx.

Vindhyasena, s.a. Vindhyaiakti II, Vakataka k. (sec above).
viraka, ‘ a village % . .

Vi^akharya, Br.,
vishaya, * a territorial division
vishaya-mdna, ^ district measure \

Vishnu, image of, at Padmapur,

Vishpu, Sendpati,

. XXXV.

39.
, xxxiv
38.
78.
95. 100'

' V, tripartite,

! Yajnapati, Br.,

TdjTlai'alkya-smnti,

Yajnarya, Bj . donee, ..

Yaksharya, Br. donee,

Yappajja, donated vi., (?),
Yas'apura-marga, t.d.,

Yasodaman II, \Veste)7i Kshatrapa,
I Yas'ovarman, k. of Kanauj,

, Yavana, dy.,

I Years —

! regnal,

j of Asoka — -

of Bharatabala,

2 ,

of Divakaraseiia,

13,

of Pravarasena II —

2 ,

18,

19,

23,

25,

27,

29,

of Vindhyasakti II,

37,

years of Eras —

Gupta Era,

174,

177,

199,

Kalachuri Era,

322,

Yadhishthira, epic he} 0 ,

Tuvaidja, ' Ctown Prince',

113,

53.
53 f.

29, XXXV.
12, XXXV.

49.

ixx-lxxi.

2, 103, 113.
114, 118, xvi, xl.
xxxviii n., xlvi.
.. 64,63.
.. 43,47.
101, 102.
70, 72, XXXV n.

XIX.

77.

. . xvh.

. . 83, 88.

. . 6, 9.

..11, 13.
.. 17,21.
17, 23, 29, 32.
..33, 3E
39, 42, 44, 47, 49, 51.
34 and n., 56.
. . 38, 62.
. . . . 64, Go.

95, 100.

.. .. XXVIII.

, , . . xxviii,

Ixiii.

xxxii.

. . xxii, xxxvi.

6, 8, 9, XXXV ii and n., liii.

Central Archaeological Library,

NEW DELHI,

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